Chapter 3
Analysis of the bills
3.1
This chapter discuss the key issues raised in submissions and by
witnesses in relation to:
- contributions to the nation-building funds;
- specific investment and payment provisions;
- role and independence of the advisory bodies;
- reporting and accountability.
3.2
In general, there was broad support for the initial principle of
the bills, and for the subsequent 'fast‑tracking' of the expenditure.[1]
Contributions to the nation-building funds
3.3
One of the earliest issues to arise was the extent of
contributions to the nation‑building funds. In the 2008-09 Budget, the
government was expecting substantial ongoing budget surpluses, of the order of
$20 billion. The advent of the global financial crisis, and the concomitant decline
in commodity prices and hence company tax and other revenues, has cut these
projections to around $5 billion (Table 1).
Table 1 – Budget surpluses:
2006-07 to 2011-12 ($ billion)
|
Actual |
Estimates |
Projections |
|
2006-07 |
2007-08 |
2008-09 |
2009-10 |
2010-11 |
2011-12 |
2008-09 Budget |
17.2 |
16.8 |
21.7 |
19.7 |
19.0 |
18.9 |
Mid Year Economic & Fiscal Outlook |
|
|
5.4 |
3.6 |
2.6 |
6.7 |
Sources: 2008-09 Budget: Budget
Overview: Appendix A; and Mid Year Fiscal and Economic Outlook 2008‑09:
Overview.
3.4
Obviously, the smaller projected budget surpluses reduce the
scope for future contributions to the proposed nation‑building funds. It
will mean it would take longer for the funds to be built up to the levels
aspired for in the 2008-09 Budget: namely, $20 billion in the BAF; $11 billion in
the EIF; and $10 billion in the HHF.[2]
Given the deterioration in the global economic outlook since the MYEFO
forecasts were compiled, the projected surpluses – and the expected returns on
the assets in the funds – may now be lower. On the other hand, more decisive
responses by overseas countries to their economic difficulties may see the
longer term projected surpluses improve.
3.5
This uncertainty about the potential for further contributions to
the funds concerned some submitters. Without guaranteed funding, the
Association of Australian Medical Research Institutes, representing 37
independent medical research institutes, queried the long-term viability of the
HHF.[3]
Infrastructure Partnerships Australia, a peak national body, similarly
commented:
We hope that [the nation-building funds] prove to be long-term
investment vehicles, not ones which will fall away after the initial endowment
from the 2007-08 Budget surplus. While a fund's investment operations must be
responsive and relevant to the prevailing conditions, they must also provide
certainty to the infrastructure development market and be ongoing and properly
funded into the future.[4]
3.6
ABN Amro strongly supported the expansion of 'public private partnerships'
(PPPs), which may be a way of achieving more investment from a smaller
government contribution.[5]
A 2007 report undertaken by the University of Melbourne and the Allen
Consulting Group claimed these collaborative ventures have a number of benefits
for Australia taxpayers, such as:
- demonstrated superior cost efficiency;
- economically and statistically significant cost advantage;
- less time over-run on a value-weighted basis;
- timeliness of completion not adversely by project size; and
- greater transparency due to availability of public data.[6]
3.7
However, to achieve these potential benefits it is necessary to
ensure that PPPs are properly structured and overseen. To this end,
Infrastructure Australia published a report on National PPP
Guidelines in October 2008.[7]
3.8
Some commentators have suggested that even the $41 billion
originally envisaged in the Budget as the combined assets of the funds would have
little overall impact on Australia's infrastructure needs. There are estimates
that around ten times this amount will be needed for public infrastructure over
the next decade.[8]
However, there was never any suggestion that the funds should be the only
source of spending on infrastructure. The intention was to supplement current
spending plans, not to replace all spending by the state governments.
3.9
Universities Australia welcomed the additional funding, but
submitted that the initial EIF contribution of $9 billion will cover only
urgent infrastructure needs, and that a doubling of the endowment by June 2014
would be a more appropriate funding benchmark.[9]
They also wanted to ensure the funding from the EIF would be truly additional:
An explicit mechanism to ensure absence of reduced effort by
states and territories as a condition of any EIF funding to TAFE is needed, and
could be embedded in the legislation by way of amendment.[10]
Specific investment and payment provisions
3.10
As discussed in Chapter 2, the Future Fund Board of Guardians is
responsible for investment of the financial assets of the nation-building
funds, subject to certain limitations. The Australian National Audit Office told
the committee that the definition of 'financial asset' was broad,[11]
giving rise to considerations not addressed in the Nation-Building Funds Bill
2008.
3.11
A comparison was drawn with the Communications Fund, whose
similarly broad definition of 'financial asset' was found to be too significant
a departure from the categories of conservative investments authorised by the Financial
Management and Accountability Act 1997. The Telecommunications (Consumer
Protection and Service Standards) Act 1999 was subsequently amended to
return the Communications Fund to investments in low-risk, highly liquid, fixed
interest asset portfolios:
This approach closely aligns with the approach adopted for
entities investing under the FMA Act and is also more consistent with the
policy that that Fund be perpetual in nature.[12]
3.12
While the Nation-Building Funds Bill 2008 proposes a broad
definition of 'financial asset', it also proposes a conservative approach to
the use of financial derivatives. Unlike the Communications Fund, the bill
prohibits the acquisition of financial derivatives for the purposes of
speculation or leverage.[13]
The Australian National Audit Office supported this approach, suggesting that
it balances the risk posed by the breadth of 'financial assets'.
3.13
'Financial assets' acquired by the Commonwealth from payments
other than grants of assistance are not assets of a nation-building fund.
Therefore the provisions of the Nation-Building Funds Bill 2008 and the Financial
Management and Accountability Act 1997 do not apply. In particular, section
39 of that Act which requires the Finance Minister to invest public money in
only a limited range of investments. This raises similar risk issues to those
described in preceding paragraphs.
3.14
The Australian National Audit Office identified a further issue
with such 'financial assets': the relevant portfolio minister will manage the
Commonwealth's ownership obligations as well as issues of exposure and risk. However,
individual portfolio departments sometimes have difficulty managing risk
without 'adequate central agency coordination and a way of sharing knowledge
and expertise.'[14]
It was suggested that the Nation-Building Funds Bill 2008 should further
address applicable governance and investment-management parameters.
3.15
The Australian National Audit Office also noted that the breadth
of 'financial assets' permissible under the Nation-Building Funds Bill 2008
places 'added emphasis on the Investment Mandate'. A broader range of
instruments adds more risk than the conservative investments allowed under the Financial
Management and Accountability Act 1997, while allowing for the possibility
of higher returns:
There is a balance to be struck there...It is important to know
that the expectations of that are set out very clearly in the investment
mandate because, if the desire is for a very capital-secure highly liquid
investment, that is where the investment managers should take you and,
consequently, you might have a lower return. But the investment mandate that is
developed for each of these funds will be a critically important document.[15]
3.16
The Australian National Audit Office supported the complex
legislative framework, including for the making of payments from the nation‑building
funds. An officer of the department told the committee that this framework:
...involves ensuring that there [are] appropriate governance
arrangements around the decision making and the recommendation from expenditure
from the funds, as well as allowing a level of transparency through the
financial statements of the various portfolio agencies of the expenditure that
goes through each of those funds and into each of the areas of expenditure. The
structure was developed to ensure that there was that level of accountability,
governance and transparency and that is why it is a structure with many
elements.[16]
3.17
The Australian National Audit Office agreed that there were potential
benefits in terms of 'separately identifying the amounts being disbursed for
different portfolio responsibilities, and the balance of remaining funds.' However,
the Office expressed concerns regarding payments from the 12 Special Accounts,
including:
3.18
As of March 2007, there is greater disclosure of the existence of
Special Accounts, for example, through a list of accounts in the Budget Papers
together with each account, its opening and closing balances, and receipts and
payments being reported in the Consolidated Financial Statements.[18]
3.19
Some submissions queried whether specific terms are adequately
defined. Universities Australia questioned whether 'development' in relation to
the EIF encompasses restoration or refurbishment.[19]
The Association of Australian Medical Research Institutes similarly asked
whether 'research institution' in relation to the EIF includes independent
medical research institutes.[20]
3.20
In the past, the Future Fund and the Higher Education Endowment
Fund may have been seen as convenient places to 'park' budget surpluses.[21]
Some observers might suggest that the nation-building funds and the COAG Reform
Fund will be used for similar purposes. The provisions of the bills suggest
that this is not the case, and the transparency of the Special Accounts enable scrutiny
of the manner in which funds are credited to and debited from each
nation-building fund.
3.21
In relation to the COAG Reform Fund, Treasury explained that it
will be used for short-term purposes only:
We certainly do not...anticipate that the COAG Reform Fund would
have large ongoing balances or monies to be invested, et cetera, for long
periods of time. We anticipate a process where the funding will come into the
COAG Reform Fund from the BAF, et cetera, or indeed direct from the budget, and
then would flow.[22]
Role and independence of the advisory bodies
3.22
The roles of the independent advisory bodies, the EIF Advisory
Board, the HHF Advisory Board, and Infrastructure Australia, are described in
Chapter 2. Submissions did not comment on how the relevant ministers treat the
independent advice, nor did they reflect on the relevant ministers' discretion
as to whether a particular proposal is recommended. One submission advocated an
expanded role for the independent advisory bodies, wanting them to be more
pro-active in 'providing responsible strategic advice toward identifying,
anticipating, planning and providing for future infrastructure needs.'[23]
3.23
There was more focus on the independence of the advisory bodies,
including the development and application of the evaluation criteria. It was
noted that the proposed legislation allows for ministers to formulate the BAF,
EIF and HHF evaluation criteria.
3.24
As noted in the Bills Digest:
Much will depend on the criteria the bodies use to assess
projects, how the bodies interpret the criteria, and how well placed the bodies
are to make assessments.[24]
3.25
The Association of Australian Medical Research Institutes
indicated that there are potential applicants who could apply for funding from
more than one nation‑building fund. It cited the example of independent
medical research institutes, which are involved in both education and health
research. The Institute suggested that the evaluation criteria should recognise
this possibility. [25]
3.26
The Association of Australian Medical Research Institutes suggested
also that the evaluation criteria should be transparent, and clearly
articulated. In relation to the HHF, the Institute described its ideal requirements
for the criteria by way of example:
- reference/relevance to Australia's national health priorities;
- potential for impact on health care delivery;
- contribution to improvement of Australians' health and consequent
increase in workplace productivity; and
- significance and novelty.[26]
3.27
The committee asked the Department of Finance and Deregulation whether
the proposed framework effectively allows for independence in project
evaluation and selection. A representative responded:
...the disallowable nature of the instrument that will detail the
evaluation criteria does provide a level of transparency to the parliament on
how the projects will be assessed, and the independent bodies who will provide
advice, and ministers having regard to that advice, is quite a strong
governance model within the current legislation.[27]
3.28
Infrastructure Partnerships Australia supported this view, unequivocally
stating:
...The BAF/Infrastructure Australia, EIF and HHF advisory boards
will bring independence and rigour to the project funding and analysis and
evaluation by providing arms-length advice and direction to the responsible
Minister.[28]
3.29
However, there were some reservations in relation to
Infrastructure Australia, whose task is:
...to have others perform an appraisal role, and obviously in some
cases it might be project proponents performing
their own appraisal. In that case, Infrastructure Australia’s role is more to
provide some scrutiny over such an appraisal and to put that through a
prioritisation process. From our perspective, that is somewhat different from
an independent body appraising individual project proposals from the beginning.
We think that raises some challenges.[29]
Transparency
3.30
One the most important issues raised in submissions and evidence was
the level of transparency provided in the Nation-Building Funds Bill, with
commentary ranging from specific provisions to general issues.
3.31
The Australian National Audit Office, for example, cited the
definition of 'financial assets', which they submitted was not as clearly
stated in the bill as in some other legislation. This may make it more
difficult for Parliament to determine whether the nation-building funds' assets
have been invested in authorised investments.[30]
3.32
Other submissions focussed on the publication of the evaluation
criteria, the requirement for ministerial consideration of the independent
advisory boards' advice,[31]
and most especially, the method by which projects are evaluated and selected for
funding.
3.33
Infrastructure Partnerships Australia submitted that the
nation-building funds must have the greatest transparency possible, subject to
commercial-in-confidence, privacy, and intellectual property considerations:
It is of fundamental importance that the investment decisions
and priorities of the respective Funds are transparent. If the nation-building
funds were to be allocated and invested for reasons outside policy, we believe
that support and appetite for much-needed Federal infrastructure investment and
policy leadership would be imperilled.[32]
3.34
Likewise, the Association of Australian Medical Research
Institutes agreed that the 'funding distribution mechanisms' should be
transparent, competitive and support the best proposals'. It advocated the
creation and implementation of a contestable application process open to all
stakeholders, with external expert panels reviewing applications.[33]
3.35
In relation to the COAG Reform Fund Bill 2008, Infrastructure
Partnerships Australia hoped that the National Partnership agreements would
provide 'more scrutable processes than current arrangements', adding:
Rigorous monitoring of the use of NPP grants will be required to
ensure that the funding levels and reform incentive payments are properly
applied to achieve national policy objectives. Further detail will be required
to ensure that the States can approach the determination of reward payment
levels and allocations with certainty.[34]
3.36
At the public hearing, the committee explored certain matters not
detailed in the COAG Reform Fund Bill 2008, including determination of the
National Partnership payments.
3.37
Treasury advised that the quantum of the National Performance
payments would be determined by the government, having regard to government
priorities and budget circumstances. The Commonwealth would then discuss the
project at hand with the state or territory concerned and reach agreement on
the nature of the reform and the performance benchmarks to be achieved to
qualify for a National Partnership reward payment. The COAG Reform Council will
then act as an independent arbiter, reporting to COAG on the satisfaction of each
state and territory's performance benchmarks:
The actual payment...is still something that...is to be determined
or decided by Commonwealth ministers, but it is with the advice of this
independent assessor which obviously is a way of ensuring that the Commonwealth
acts with input from an independent agent that is able to provide them with
advice on compliance.[35]
3.38
Treasury added that it would be in the Commonwealth, states and
territories' best interests to publish the National Partnership agreements, and
there is nothing to suggest that these will be kept secret.
Reporting and accountability
3.39
The legislative framework proposed by the Nation-Building Funds
Bill 2008 and the COAG Reform Fund Bill 2008 emphasises transparency and
accountability. However, as indicated in preceding paragraphs, there are areas
in which the operations of the nation-building funds might be made more
transparent, assisting Parliament to determine compliance with the legislative
processes, standards, and responsibilities.
3.40
In particular, it is arguable that there is insufficient provision
in the bills for directly informing Parliament of some important matters:
- there is no requirement for ministers to report to Parliament
which projects have been approved, to supply reasons for decisions, or to
report movements in the funds; and
- some legislative instruments are exempt from disallowance (such
as authorisations of payments, including for acquisitions of financial assets).
3.41
However, it is not unusual for reasons for decisions to not be
published, the Minister's payment authorisations are primarily administrative,
and a range of accountability mechanisms do exist outside of the bills.
3.42
The Future Fund Act 2006 requires the Future Fund Board of
Guardians to report annually on its operations, and the performance of the
investments under the Board's management. The Nation-Building Funds
(Consequential Amendments) Bill 2008 extends this annual reporting requirement
to the nation-building funds.
3.43
Under the Financial Management and Accountability Act 1997,
the Australian National Audit Office can examine the annual accounts of the
nation-building funds: an audit is planned in the near future. The ANAO reminded
the committee that under the Auditor-General Act 1997 it also has
performance audit powers, enabling it to examine how the nation‑building
funds are spent and the grants made from each fund.[36]
The Audit Office operates in a world that is largely post the
event but, through reporting to parliament on the results of the audit, we give
accountability and transparency to those decisions...during the financial [audit]
process, we make sure that all the funds that are going out are being duly
authorised and duly accounted for and, from a performance audit process, we
tend to look at whether those funds have gone out against the predetermined objectives
and criteria that have been set up for each of the programmes or, in this case,
the funds.[37]
3.44
The committee queried whether there was potential for the
Australian National Audit Office to be involved earlier in the process. A
representative agreed that the Parliament could legislatively provide for such
a role, but this would not be in accordance with the practice of most western
nations.[38]
3.45
The annual Budget process is a further example of existing
accountability mechanisms where the declaration of annual drawing rights and
fiscal appropriations enables the Parliament to scrutinise expenditure from the
nation‑building funds.
3.46
Infrastructure Partnerships Australia would welcome further
detail in regulations:
...on what practical mechanisms, processes and checks and balances
are required to be applied for each Fund to ensure responsible, consistent and
transparent decision-making and funding allocation to the most critical, needed
and worthwhile projects across transport, communications, energy, water, education
and health sectors.[39]
3.47
The committee prefers such important reporting and accountability
mechanisms to be incorporated within the bills, but appreciates that the nation‑building
agenda is an ongoing construct and that not all its details have yet been
formulated. The evaluation criteria, for example, are not contained within the
Nation-Building Funds Bill 2008 because:
...they are being developed over time in consultation with the
boards that are being established to provide advice on them.[40]
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