Chapter 4 - Issues: administrative matters
Perception that the IRA process is subject to free trade pressure
4.1
There are clearly perceptions that BA’s IRA process is
or may be improperly biased by free trade considerations. The Queensland
Dept of Primary Industries and Fisheries was concerned about ‘the potential
influence of the current international trade agenda on Biosecurity’s
decision-making process.’ The concern is implicit in complaints by the Australian
Banana Growers’ Council (ABGC) that between the June 2002 and February 2004
drafts risk assessments have been downgraded allegedly without new scientific
information.[110] Mr Collins
of the ABGC said:
We believe that they have a predetermined outcome that they want
to arrive at.[111]
4.2
Mr Peasley
submitted that ‘At an early stage I became concerned that issues other than
science could be influencing proceedings’:
...at the beginning of every stakeholder meeting in Australia,
Australia’s
trade position and WTO obligations were stressed at length. While everyone involved
in the process acknowledges that Australia
has to meet international obligations, this emphasis on non-scientific issues
had an adverse effect on the panel’s ability to effectively communicate with
stakeholders.[112]
4.3
Such perceptions may have been fostered by the fact
that BA has also been involved in negotiating market access conditions for
Australian exports.[113] This may have
led to perceptions that BA was motivated to maximise overall trade benefits, considering
both imports and exports, rather than simply assessing import proposals
independently on their scientific merits according to the IRA guidelines.
Comment
4.4
It is regrettable that such suspicions should arise. It
would be even more regrettable if they were well-founded. It appears that such
concerns have contributed to the poor relations between BA and key stakeholders
during the banana IRA.
4.5
The Committee notes
the recent initiatives by the Minister to reassure the community of the probity
and independence of BA’s process, by establishing BA as a prescribed agency
independent of the Department, and by appointing a group of eminent scientists
to assess stakeholder comments on IRAs.[114]
The Committee will continue to take an
interest in reviewing the effectiveness of these new arrangements.
Whether IRA panel members represent their organisations
4.6
The banana IRA team comprises two people who are officials
of Biosecurity Australia,
two who are officials of the Queensland Department of Primary Industries, one
who is an official of NSW Agriculture, one who is an official of AQIS, and one
who is self-employed.
4.7
In a situation like this there may be some uncertainty
about whether IRA panel members are appointed in the capacity of expert
individuals, or as representing their organisations.
4.8
The Primary Industries Ministerial Council recently
considered this and affirmed that ‘scientists involved in the IRA process are
independent and are not representing their jurisdictions’. The Queensland
government in its submission to this inquiry agreed.[115]
Comment
4.9
The Committee agrees
that IRA panel members should be regarded as independent experts, not as representatives
of organisations which they may happen to work for. This reflects the fact that
IRA reports are meant to be independent expert opinions, not statements of
policy.
Need for appropriate records of panel deliberations
4.10
It appears that the IRA panel had no orderly procedure
for minuting decisions or recording action plans.
4.11
According to Mr Peasley,
some IRA panel meetings were minuted at the beginning of the panel’s operation,
but not later, and minutes were not brought back to the next meeting to be
agreed to.[116]
4.12
BA supplied summary notes of the panel meetings. These
take the superficial form of minutes (list of participants; ‘the chair welcomed
members...’ etc), but are extremely brief, and do not record debate, decisions,
or action plans in any detail.[117]
4.13
Ms Harwood
explained:
Ms Harwood—Once
the panel has a draft risk assessment document and they are working on
estimates of likelihood and the treatment of risk in their work, their working
document is the actual draft risk analysis report or parts of it. They do not
keep a record of ‘A said ... B said ... D said ...’ ...
Senator McLUCAS—But there must be a
tracking of progress or some system that your operation puts in place that is
fairly standard: ‘This is what we’ve decided; this is what we’ve yet to decide.’
All sorts of bureaucracies have these sensible, ordinary management systems.
Ms Harwood—It is actually a group of
scientists working together to review particular issues and to form a
considered and collective view on how to bring the science to bear on
estimating likelihoods, risks et cetera through the different stages of the
importation pathway. They record where they are up to in an up-to-date version
of the draft import risk analysis report. That document evolves through time.[118]
4.14
The lack of clear minutes is relevant to the apparent
confusion over whether the panel agreed to the contents of the draft IRA
report, or merely agreed that it should be released. Mr
Curll of NSW Agriculture commented:
I guess in the absence of any agreed set of minutes or record of
panel meetings, it is difficult to determine what may have been agreed to and
what consensus was arrived at.[119]
4.15
It is also relevant to the lack of clarity over dealing
with minority or dissenting opinions on the panel, as discussed below.
Mr Peasley—I did ask on at least two or
three occasions that my disagreement with the panel’s decision on risk
assessment be recorded.
CHAIR—Was it?
Mr Peasley—I saw it being written down
but I did not ever see anything published.[120]
Comment
4.16
In the Committee’s
view the lack of clear minutes of panel proceedings is not satisfactory.
4.17
The panel’s deliberations are not merely a scientific
discussion: their outcome closely influences government decisions with potentially
far-reaching consequences for the community. They should be recorded with the
propriety needed for normal public service accountability. This does not
necessarily mean there needs to be a verbatim transcript of a two day conference.
It does mean there should be reasonable minuting of subjects discussed, lines
of argument, resolutions, dissenting voices and further action needed. BA
should provide secretariat services to ensure that this happens.
Recommendation
4
4.18
BA should provide appropriate secretarial support to
ensure that IRA panels keep adequate records of proceedings.
Need for clear procedure for dealing with minority opinions
4.19
There appears to be some lack of clarity in BA’s
approach to dealing with minority or dissenting opinions on IRA panels.
4.20
In the case of the banana IRA it is clear that BA
greatly desired a unanimous or consensus report. At the hearing of this Committee
on 8 March 2004, BA
described the ‘job’ of the panel as ‘to develop a consensus report...
Ms Harwood— They keep at it until they have an
agreed position, which they will record in the report...
Senator McLUCAS—...
there must be points in the deliberations where there are different points of
view.
Ms Harwood—That is correct.
Senator McLUCAS—Is
that ever documented?
Ms Harwood—No, because they keep working
on the issue until they have a consensus position on how that issue will be
handled.... We expect our expert panels to continue until they are, together,
satisfied that this is their collective and unanimous assessment of risk.[121]
4.21
In November 2003 BA avoided Mr
Paton’s suggestion that the IRA report
should make it clear that not all panels members agreed with risk management by
restricted distribution:
I got the impression at the meeting that others were not too
enthused about this restricted distribution option either.... I said that I
thought the report should have a statement which said that not all members of
the committee agreed with that management option.
Senator McLUCAS—Did
you get a response to that email?
Mr Paton—I think what happened from that
was that the text of that particular section was modified to reflect that this
was going to be an extremely difficult option to pursue from a practical point
of view. Other than that, no.[122]
4.22
BA avoided revealing to this Committee
that Mr Peasley
and Mr Paton
disagreed with parts of the IRA, as discussed below.
4.23
Between the 1998 AQIS import risk analysis handbook and
the 2003 BA handbook, there was a change in the reference to how disagreements
should be treated. The 1998 handbook said:
The AQIS risk analysis team or the RAP is expected to present
its recommendations on the basis of consensus. If consensus is not achievable,
differences of view will be clearly identified.[123]
4.24
There is no similar reference in the current import risk
analysis handbook. The Committee asked BA why
this had changed. The answer did not explain why it had changed, but commented:
The 2003 Handbook no longer contains a specific requirement to
achieve consensus or to report departures from consensus, although both are
implicit in the current requirements. Importantly, the revised Handbook does
not remove the right of IRA team members to express individual views... In
essence, the policy has not changed, although it is expressed differently.[124]
General comment on minority
opinions
4.25
The Committee does not
see why there should be any sensitivity about the existence of minority or
dissenting views on IRA panels. Panel members are appointed as expert
individuals, and it is to be expected that their professional judgments may
sometimes differ.
4.26
All views are grist to the mill for the stakeholders
who wish to comment and for the eventual decision-maker. In the Committee’s
view the decision-maker is quite capable of making a decision on the totality
of evidence. It cannot be argued that concealing minority opinions increases
the quality of information available to the decision-maker.
4.27
In discussing this Ms
Harwood seemed to draw a distinction between
draft and final IRA reports. She seemed to suggest that a final IRA report
ought to flag any minority views, but a draft report need not do so:
That document is not a decision, it is a draft regime deliberately
released for public comment, for people to make technical comment on every aspect
of it. It is several hundred pages long. As I said earlier, at the final report
stage, I would expect that the panel would work through to a unanimous report.
If they could not do that, we would identify differences of view.[125]
4.28
This implies that the decision-maker on the final
report would have information (concerning existence of minority views) which is
withheld from the stakeholders at the public comment stage.
4.29
The Committee does not
agree. There is no logical difference between a draft and final IRA report in
this matter. If anything the reverse would be true: it is more important that
differences of opinion are disclosed at the draft stage, as this will inform
stakeholder comments.
4.30
The Committee also
notes Ms Harwood’s
comment:
In all of our IRA reports, if there is a matter on which there
is a difference of view or uncertainty on the science, such as PMWS, that is
dealt with in a transparent way in the document. It would refer to different
scientific viewpoints and then say ‘on balance the judgment is’ or ‘this issue
at this point is this because of’ whatever.[126]
4.31
This is not enough. ‘On balance’ leaves it ambiguous
whether the matter is one where all the panel agree it is a line-ball decision,
or one where panel members have firm but differing views and ‘on balance’ reflects
the majority view.
4.32
The Committee recommends that the IRA handbook
should have a procedure for handling minority or dissenting opinions on panels
and reflecting them appropriately in IRA reports and draft reports. This is not
a matter that should be left to individual IRA panels.
Recommendation 5
4.33
The IRA handbook should have a procedure for handling
minority or dissenting opinions on panels and reflecting them appropriately in
IRA reports and draft reports.
4.34
The Committee suggests
that a likely role for the eminent scientists’ group in reviewing IRA’s would
be to focus on any areas of disagreement among the panel.
Mr
Peasley’s minority report
4.35
BA’s reluctant approach to minority views is shown by
its treatment of Mr Peasley’s
minority report.
4.36
In June 2003, when a draft of the revised IRA was with
IRA panel members for comment, Mr Peasley
made it clear that he disagreed with significant parts of it. In
contemporaneous diary notes he recorded a conversation with the panel chair, Dr
McRae, thus:
Cheryl said we would have to decide how we articulate my
concerns - as a dissenting report or minority report. My concerns would have to be clearly articulated and presented to BA. She said it would not be fair to me or the Panel for my original email
letter (of 10 June 2003) to
be made public. I am to formulate my concerns as a minority
report over the next 7-10 days.[127]
4.37
On 1 July 2003
he submitted what he explicitly called a ‘minority report.’[128]
4.38
There was conflicting evidence to this Committee
as to what the intended fate of his minority report was. Ms
Harwood of BA said:
In the case of Mr Peasley,
he had given an outline of his minority views to the chair and he was asked
whether he wanted those included. I asked him if he wanted them published with
the report and he said he did not....
I said to him, ‘I’m quite happy to publish your minority report
with the document when it goes out, so that people can see it,’ and he said: ‘No.
Put the report out as it is. Let us have public comment on essentially the
single report, the revised draft IRA report. Let that be the basis for
consultation and for moving forward.’[129]
4.39
Mr Peasley
denied this:
The Risk Analysis Panel last met in Canberra
on 11 September last year. This was the only time I could have been asked about
whether I wanted my minority report to be included with the draft IRA report. I
have no recollection of any offer being made on this occasion, and my diary
does not contain any reference to any offer of this nature. As you will
appreciate, this is a significant point, because I kept detailed diary notes of
all meetings and teleconferences...
At the 11 September meeting I recall being asked what I wanted
to do about my minority report. This is not the same thing as being asked
whether I wanted the minority report to be included in the draft IRA. I
indicated I wished to review the next
draft report before making any decision about the minority report.
[emphasis added] [130]
4.40
BA supplied a file note of 12 September 2003, which contradicts the point
italicised just above. In it Dr McRae
said:
David told the meeting on 11 September that he does NOT want a
report that he sent me... on 10 July 03... made public because his 10 July report
does not represent his thoughts/ positions... David also told the meeting that
his plan is now to leave making a decision about whether he will or will not
even submit a minority report until after
the revised IRA document is released for stakeholder comment.[emphasis
added] Further, at the meeting, he agreed that the revised IRA report should be
released as a document from the RAP with no reference to it representing a
minority or majority report.[131]
4.41
Mr Peasley’s
recollection of this episode continued:
I received the next draft on 10 November, and after reviewing it
thoroughly forwarded detailed comments to the RAP chair on 1 December. In my
covering [email] letter I stated:
‘It is obvious that there are areas of disagreement on several
key issues within the panel, particularly the risk assessment for Moko disease,
however, these are not going to be resolved unanimously. I therefore support
the release of the Draft IRA for stakeholder comment, hopefully with
consideration of my suggested changes, in order that the Import Risk Analysis
be resolved to a final recommendation as soon as possible. The concerns
expressed in my minority report of June
30, 2003 remain valid.’
I do not recall any further question being asked about the fate
of my minority report, and certainly did not request that it be kept
confidential. Again, my diary does not contain any later record of an offer by
Biosecurity Australia
or of any response on my part.[132]
Comment on evidence about Mr
Peasley’s minority report
4.42
The Committee
prefers Mr Peasley’s
evidence on this matter. The Committee notes
the following points:
- Mr Peasley’s minority report of 1 July 2003,
though nominally addressed to the chair of the panel, does not have the character
of a document addressed to panellists in order to persuade them to change their
minds. It has the name and character of a document addressed to the world at
large in order to record a dissenting view after persuasion has failed. In this
it contrasts with his letter of 10 June. [133]
- Mr Peasley’s email of 1 December 2003, quoted
above, confirms this: he retains the hope of influencing the panel with certain
‘suggested changes’ (9 pages of attached detailed comments and text edits[134]); by contrast, he has abandoned the
hope of changing the panel’s mind on ‘several key issues’; but he stands by his
separate minority report which dealt with these issues, including many matters
not mentioned in the detailed text edits.
- It is unlikely that the writer of such a
document would want it to be permanently confidential. In that case it would
have no purpose.
- Mr Peasley’s comment about his ‘detailed diary
notes’ is corroborated by the 12 pages of relevant diary transcripts covering
two years which he submitted to the Committee.
4.43
As noted above, other evidence makes it clear that BA greatly
desired a unanimous or ‘consensus’ report, or at least the appearance of it. On
8 March 2004, in answer to precise
questions from the Committee, BA concealed the
existence of Mr Peasley’s
minority report.[135]
4.44
The discrepancy between recollections of the 11
September meeting (paragraphs 4.38-4.39 above) may have been a genuine
misunderstanding. If so, Mr Peasley’s
email of 1 December should have shown BA that there had been a
misunderstanding, and should have made BA seek clarification of what he wanted
done with his minority report.
4.45
In the Committee’s
view it is most likely that after 1
December 2003 Mr Peasley
did not press the question of what would be done with his minority report, and
BA took advantage of this to let it drop out of sight. The Committee
hopes that this would not have happened if the panel had had better secretarial
support.
Discussion of BA’s evidence on this
matter
4.46
At the hearing of 8 March 2004, when the Committee
did not know about Mr Peasley’s
minority report, in response to unambiguous questions BA concealed its
existence:
Senator BOSWELL—So
the document was unanimous, the IRA was unanimous?
Ms Harwood—It is a
consensus report.... ‘Consensus’ means that all persons present agreed to the
report being released, that it is a reflection of their scientific judgment and
that it reports accurately their outcome.
CHAIR—What I have
here is a consensus report by Lower Balonne water users that three out of 25
people entirely disagreed with, but they agreed to agree just to get the report
out. We do not know if that goes on in this IRA committee.
Ms Harwood—That is not the sort of
consensus that I am talking about here. This panel genuinely agreed as a group
of seven scientists that this report represented their judgment...[136]
Dr McRae—Perhaps as the chair of the IRA
team I should answer this. There were seven members of that team and, as I said, I chaired it. The report
was unanimous. In other words, every one of those seven people agreed that we
should release the document with the text as written.
CHAIR—Yes, but that
is not saying they agree with it.
Dr McRae—Every single word of that text
should be released.
CHAIR—You are still
evading the question. What you just said does not mean that they all agreed
with everything that was in it. They agreed to release the text as it was, but
that does not necessarily say that they as individuals agreed with everything
in it.
Senator BOSWELL—Did
they sign off as agreeing with the report?
Dr McRae—Yes....
Ms Harwood—Everyone agreed with the report
and with its release.[137]
4.47
At a hearing on 13
May 2004 Mr Paton, an IRA panel member, said: ‘I
can tell you quite categorically that I agreed to the release of the report but
I did not agree to the full contents of that report.’[138]
4.48
At later hearings, after the Committee
had the benefit of Mr Peasley’s minority report and Mr Paton’s statement just
quoted, Ms Harwood and Dr McRae explained themselves firstly, by conceding that
some of their earlier evidence ‘could be read as giving the [wrong] impression’:
Ms Harwood—...On rereading the Hansard of 8 March, preparing for this
hearing, I could see a couple of instances where my responses could be read as
giving the impression that all members agreed with the entire contents. Some
members held minority views.[139]
Dr McRae—...On
reading the Hansard of 8 March, I can see that there are a couple of instances
where my answers could be read as giving the impression that all members of the
expert panel agreed with the entire contents of the revised draft IRA report.[140]
4.49
As well, Ms Harwood
seemed to argue that they had been motivated by the fact that the panel itself had not wanted its
disagreements to be known:
Mr David
Peasley held a different view, but I was operating on the basis that they had
made a collective and very conscious decision to release a single report.
[emphasis added][141]
We genuinely attempted to answer the questions in good faith
and, as I said on 24 May, to respect and
reflect the agreement of the panel and the wish of the panel that the
report be issued without minority or majority views. [emphasis added][142]
Comment
4.50
By concealing the existence of Mr
Peasley’s minority report, Ms
Harwood and Dr
McRae seriously frustrated the Committee’s
deliberations. The Committee acknowledges that
they may have done this ‘to respect the panel’s wishes’; however, the panel’s
feelings cannot possibly override the officials’ duty to give full and truthful
answers to a parliamentary committee. Their actions wasted the Committee’s
time, and might be regarded as a contempt but for their belated clarifications.
4.51
The Committee notes
that at hearings three weeks apart Ms Harwood
and Dr McRae
answered questions on this matter in almost identical words (see paragraph
4.48). The Committee regards coached evidence
as unacceptable.
4.52
The Committee draws
attention to relevant sections of the government’s guidelines for official
witnesses:
2.19 ...Officials should be
open with committees and if unable or unwilling to answer questions or provide
information should say so, and give reasons....
2.45 ...Also, if a witness
believes, after perusing the record, that he or she has omitted some relevant
evidence, the witness should, having consulted with the Minister (or
departmental Secretary), seek leave of the committee to lodge a supplementary
statement or to give further oral evidence.[143]
4.53
The Committee suggests
that appropriate BA staff could profitably attend one of the Senate’s courses for
government officials to refresh their understanding of their responsibilities
in relation to these matters.
4.54
The Committee notes
that the new Interim Chief Executive of BA, Mr
Cahill, has been quick to clarify points in
evidence where, on reading the transcript, he felt that there might have been
some misunderstanding.[144] The Committee
welcomes this responsible and open attitude and trusts that it will continue.