AXING THE PUBLIC INTEREST ; WHY THE REGIONAL FOREST AGREEMENTS BILL SHOULD BE OPPOSED

REPORT ON THE PROVISIONS OF THE REGIONAL FOREST AGREEMENTS BILL 1998

AXING THE PUBLIC INTEREST ; WHY THE REGIONAL FOREST AGREEMENTS BILL SHOULD BE OPPOSED

Senator Bob Brown

Australian Greens, February 1999

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It is really the demands of the overseas pulp and paper companies that are ruling the show. Yes, I know you do not like to hear this, but we have got to call a spade a spade, and I do not think this committee should be giving precedence to the profit margins of overseas pulp and paper companies at the expense of the Australian environment. It is a deceptive gain. There is clearly some collusion between the woodchip industry and the government, and I just wonder why we keep rolling out the red carpet and licking the Asian pulp and paper companies in order to do this.

This whole RFA process is really a devil in a dinner suit, and I think people who are actually looking at this and are going to make the decision to continue this RFA bill—it is just corrupt. It just has to be swindlers and mercenaries; that's all I can say. It is a sham. It has got to be slammed through quick smart. You wonder why that is happening as well. And when you look at who fills the coffers of the political parties who are really making these decisions, well, you have to wonder also what other secret deals and incestuous links there are. (Evidence, Jill Redwood, prize-winning environmentalist)

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This Bill and the Regional Forest Agreements (RFAs) which it understraps are based on eight demonstrably wrong assertions. These are –

  1. RFAs will create jobs
  2. RFAs will bring peace in our time to the forests
  3. RFAs usher in ecologically sustainable logging
  4. RFAs mean security for conservation
  5. RFAs serve Aboriginal interests
  6. RFAs are visionary
  7. RFAs have no prudent or feasible alternative
  8. RFAs are in the public interest

1. Jobs have been lost where RFAs have been implemented

Evidence to the Committee showed Australia's volume of wood production (including from plantations) increasing over the last decade, while thousands of jobs have been lost.

Since Prime Minister Howard signed the Tasmanian RFA in November 1997, at least 240 industry workers have lost their jobs. The Burnie pulp mill was closed and AMCOR, instead of using Tasmanian woodchips, has begun importing its wood fibre from Indonesia. The ships bringing in Indonesian woodchip pulp berth alongside the ships exporting Tasmanian native forest woodchips and plantation logs (that is, jobs) to Japan.

Millions of tonnes of sawlog-quality wood which are needed to assure downstream processing for Australia's future in job-rich industries such as furniture-making, boat-building , housing and crafts, have been exported, and continue to be exported, as woodchips.

Australia's largest woodchip installation, North's mill at Hampshire south of Burnie, employs 10 operators to supervise its computers. Against the wishes of Burnie City Council, North (the biggest woodchipping multinational in the southern hemisphere) is installing a third woodchip mountain on the Burnie docks. The second mountain is fine rainforest woodchips -- an export sanctioned by the RFA but which Australia had banned until this decade.

In Western Australia, jarrah is being exported as woodchips to Saudi Arabia for use as charcoal in a silicone smelter. In the case of the marri forest, arguably the most beautiful timber, out of 457 000 cubic metres 99 percent ended up as woodchips, 0.4 percent structural timber and 0.04 percent value-added sawntimber (Evidence, Peter Robertson, WA Forest Alliance).

The RFAs have ignored plantations and focused almost exclusively on the job-shedding native forest industry, 60% of which is turned into woodchips for export.

The RFAs make no requirement of anyone to create downstream processing or jobs in Australia.

2. Far from peace in the forests, the RFAs have been followed by demonstrations and bitter opposition

Business consultant, Mr Chris Tipler, representing the Otway Ranges Environment Network in Victoria, was asked whether the Regional Forest Agreements will produce peace in our forests in our time. He replied --

This sentiment was echoed by every environmental group before the Committee. Forest protests are occurring in all states where RFAs have been implemented or are being drawn up. Hundreds of citizens have been arrested. The RFAs are giving rise to bitter ongoing community hostility because they implement the logging companies' wishes, against the popular Australian aspiration to protect natural forests. All opinion polls show that a majority of Australians oppose woodchipping of the nation's remaining wild forests. The most recent polls in Western Australia show this majority increasing.

That the Committee, having advertised its inquiry just three days before Christmas with a closing date of 22 January 1999, nevertheless received 371 submissions, overwhelmingly opposed to the Bill, is further evidence of the strength of community frustration and anger.

Even on its own terms, the Bill fails to deliver the `certainty' sought by industry. Legal advice to the Committee failed to rule out the real potential for challenges from logging, mining or environmental interests on the grounds that the Bill breaches section 99 of the Constitution by giving a preference to corporations trading in one state over another (Evidence, Mr Corr, Mr Brazil; written advice from the Australian Government Solicitor dated 12 February and 24 February 1999).

Instead of solving Australia's long-running dispute over the wild forests, the RFAs will compound and prolong it.

3. Far from ecologically sustainable forestry, RFAs allow for unreasonably destructive logging practices

Against graphically contrary evidence, no industry witness was able to show the committee that RFA logging is ecologically sustainable. With a single exception, no industry witness, including Tasmania's Deputy Premier Paul Lennon, could define either a 'natural forest ecosystem' or the word 'sustainable'. Yet ecological sustainability is a basic claim made by the Prime Minister, Premiers and woodchip industry advocates for the RFAs. Evidence to the committee shows these claims to be fraudulent.

Photographic evidence showed Tasmanian forests, which should otherwise be nominated and protected for their World Heritage values, being cut down, burnt by aerial incendiaries leaving no living leaf or limb, and then baited with 1080 poison to kill stray marsupials from adjacent remainder forests.

Those who claim these processes to be ecologically sustainable are deliberately co-opting language to deceive the public. This Committee ought not be emulating that deception.

4. RFAs have not given security for conservation

The evidence before this Committee demonstrated clear failure of the Commonwealth to protect even the forests the Prime Minister assured Australians would be safe when he signed the several RFAs so far agreed.

In Tasmania, the National Forest Policy targets for protecting very tall forests and rare forests were not met by the RFAs. Tens of thousands of hectares of old growth forest are being cleared for plantations, also contrary to the National Forest Policy Statement and to any notion of `sustainability'.

In Victoria's East Gippsland, Central Highlands and Otway Ranges, logging is proceeding at rates far in excess of the 'sustainable yield' legislated by the Victorian government and inferred by the RFA (Evidence, Otway Ranges Environment Network). In the Central Highlands, the RFA has been signed, logging is proceeding apace, but the mapping of myrtle beech and southern sassafras forests, mixed with eucalypts (cool temperate mixed forest) will not be done before the year 2000 – the whole ecosystem is missing from the reserve system (Evidence, Alan McMahon).

The WA Environment Protection Authority has catalogued how the Department of Conservation and Land Management is breaching or failing to comply with a whole series of ministerial conditions set under the Environment Protection Act. Jarrah is being over-logged by 100 percent (Evidence, Peter Robertson).

In both East Gippsland and Tasmania thousands of hectares of forests designated as protected have either been logged or transferred from fully protected status to logging or mining zones.

Extensive parts of the Heritage River protected area along the Goolengook River (East Gippsland) were logged after Mr Howard signed the RFA in February 1997. The Supreme Court of Victoria found the action unlawful. The Kennett Government legislated to remove, retrospectively, the logged area and further parts of these protected Goolengook forests from protection so that they can be logged.

Hundreds of hectares of high conservation value forests in the Great Western Tiers of Tasmania have, since the Prime Minister signed the RFA, been re-allocated to woodchipping.

The Committee was not afforded any evidence that the Prime Minister or other Commonwealth Ministers were consulted about the states' reallocation of forests from conservation to logging, let alone evidence that there was any opposition from Canberra.

On the other hand, in no case has an area set aside for logging been reassigned for protection. There is, of course, no mechanism in this legislation to compensate for the loss of environmental amenity. Nor is there any substantial assurance that this process of infringement of RFAs against the conservation interest will not continue: there is no limit to it.

5. RFAs are short-sighted

The RFAs foreclose on the future. Worldwide, there is great concern about the rapid erosion of the planet's environmental amenity. In the 1990s thousands of eminent scientists and economists, including scores of Nobel Laureates, have warned that strong government action is needed if life on Earth, including the human experience, is to be assured. The preservation of remaining wild forests is a primary concern.

In all Australia's RFA areas, this Bill over-rides or abolishes Commonwealth laws essential for the nation to meet those concerns. At the behest of the woodchip corporations, it straitjackets the national government's ability to protect forests in the public interest.

The Bill removes Commonwealth powers for the protection of forest environments, the listing of world heritage forests and the protection of national estate forests for the next 20 years.

The Committee was given no assessment of opportunity lost, for either economic, employment or environmental values, through logging of Australia's wild forests.

One example encompassing all of these factors is the global greenhouse effect. Australia has been heavily criticised for its reticence to reduce greenhouse gas pollution in line with other nations.

An emerging ecological option in this global dilemma is trading in carbon credits. The Committee was given timely warning that the perception that tree-planting is the best measure is wrong. The amount of carbon stored in a forest is roughly proportional to the square of the average diameter of its trees. So old growth forests are at a premium. In fact, the government's own figures show that less than one percent of Australia's wood based carbon is in plantations, over 99 percent is in native forests. Yet despite an estimated starting value of $20-$50 per tonne for forest carbon store, these forests are being sold to woodchippers now for an average $13-$14 per tonne in Tasmania, and as little as nine cents per tonne in East Gippsland.

Under the Bill the Commonwealth's action to preserve tall forests as an immensely valuable and tradeable carbon-store commodity is hog-tied. Such action is likely and will involve billions of dollars penalty through compensation to a handful of woodchip and logging corporations. Yet, those corporations have not paid one red cent for the forests.

6. RFAs ignore Indigenous interests

Indigenous people's submissions highlighted a lack of consultation with them.

Representatives from Western Australia and Tasmania criticised this legislation which ensures compensation for logging interests if forests targeted for logging are to be protected in the future. They expressed dismay that, on the other hand, there is no provision for compensation to Indigenous people, let alone the right to intercede against forest mismanagement. The Commonwealth is abandoning its duty to protect Indigenous interests.

The RFAs, in essence, give the land rights to the woodchippers.

7. The RFAs have prudent and feasible alternatives

The committee was shown that Australia has sufficient plantations to provide all of its wood needs for domestic processing, including woodchips.

Plantations, together with recycling, already account for 75% of wood and fibre input to the Australian wood products industry. In other words, our wood and wood products industry is not a native forest based industry any more; it is a plantation industry.

Remarkably, plantations were all but ignored by the RFA process – not one Western Australian RFA option presented for community consultation included the plantation resource; the Eden (NSW) options presented for public consultation ignored the softwood plantation estate. In Tasmania the entire softwood plantation sawntimber industry was omitted from the RFA options presented to the public – that includes Tasmania's two largest sawmills! (Evidence, Ms Judith Clark, ANU).

The Ministers responsible for the legislation should have prepared an environmental impact statement listing all prudent and feasible alternatives. They failed to do so. This omission is negligent if not illegal (Evidence, Ms Liz Ingham).

8. The Bill is against the public interest

Evidence to the Committee from both sides revealed a compensatory bias to the loggers which is directly contrary to the Australian public interest.

The Commonwealth will be obliged to pay compensation to logging and mining corporations for any forests protected in future and the states will be required by law to undertake the legal action on behalf of the corporations to obtain that compensation.

There is no compensation provision for tourist operators or other small business interests, for Indigenous peoples, for local government or communities, for deleterious impacts on the quantity or quality of water coming out of catchments, for neighbours (such as organic farmers affected by chemicals from adjacent plantations) or for sawmill workers put out of a job by illegal downgrading of sawlogs to woodchips.

Furthermore, the Bill gives the nine as yet unfinished RFAs legal force, sight unseen. There is no requirement that RFAs be made public although the Bill gives them the force of law. There is no requirement that the States abide by their own laws; if they breach an RFA, as Tasmania and Victoria have already done by failing to meet conservation commitments, the Commonwealth has no effective sanction.

This Bill is so biased to industry, as against the wider public interest, it is hard to believe that the woodchip and mining corporations have not had a major hand in devising it, against the public interest, from the outset. (Political donations by woodchip companies in 1997/98 are listed in attachment 1.)

Recommendations

That an honest appraisal of both sides of the evidence before the Committee — not just the loggers' self-interest – be made.

That the Prime Minister and his government accept responsibility for the nation's forest and wildlife heritage, not shed it.

That the donations of the logging industry to the Coalition and Labor Party be treated as having influence.

That the Australian nation's clear desire to save its remnant wild forests from further destruction be granted.

That the `prudent and feasible' alternative of a world class plantation-based industry be adopted.

That this Bill be opposed.

Senator Bob Brown

Australian Greens Senator for Tasmania

Thursday, 25 February 1999