Chapter Five - Demand side responses
5.1
Demand side responses to reduce oil dependence have two
main strands:
- increasing the fuel-efficiency of vehicles;
- reducing the demand for fossil-fuelled transport
(or at least, restraining its growth). Under this heading, the main ideas
mentioned in submissions were encouraging more use of railways for long-distance
freight; encouraging walking, cycling and public transport in cities; and
promoting urban planning policies that reduce the need to travel long
distances.
5.2
Demand side responses can also serve other goals, such
as controlling urban congestion and pollution, and reducing greenhouse gas
emissions.
Increasing the fuel efficiency of vehicles
5.3
Since 1979 the fuel efficiency of light vehicle engines
has increased significantly - from about 5 to 4 litres per 100km per vehicle
tonne. However the efficiency of the light vehicle fleet has improved
more slowly, as consumers have moved to larger, more powerful cars. In the
latest figures by the Bureau of Transport and Regional Economics, the National
Average Fuel Consumption (NAFC) of new passenger cars in 2001 was 8.28
litres/100km.[81]
5.4
The Federated Chamber of Automotive Industries has a
voluntary code of practice which calls for a NAFC target for new passengers
cars of 6.8 litres/100km by 2010.[82]
The Australian Automobile Association commented that ‘achievement of this
target will depend on a range of factors including the implementation of
existing technology and the quality and availability of fuel to meet advanced
engine and emission technologies.’[83]
It will also depend on consumers’ choices about the size of vehicles.
5.5
It is of course possible to allow the market to choose
the fuel economy of vehicles having regard to the price of fuel. This has been
the practice to date. There is evidence that the higher petrol prices of the
last 18 months have turned consumers towards smaller cars.[84]
5.6
As a matter of policy government should encourage more
fuel efficiency than the market will provide, by mandating fuel efficiency
standards; by incentives to favour smaller or more efficient cars (for example,
by adjusting registration charges); or by raising the fuel excise as an
environmental measure. This would have the added benefit of securing vehicle
manufacturing jobs in Australia.[85]
5.7
Upgrading the national car fleet would
be facilitated by government mandating the use of fuel efficient and hybrid
vehicles in the government car fleet, which traditionally feeds into the taxi
and second-hand car market.
5.8
Any proposal to increase fuel excise as an
environmental measure would have to consider the distributional effects. People
in the outer suburbs of cities and in rural and regional areas would be most affected.
These people spend a relatively high proportion of their income on transport
already, and for most purposes have no public transport alternatives. Positive
measures to provide more alternatives to the use of cars would probably be more
politically acceptable.
More use of rail for long distance freight
5.9
Many submissions argued for more use of railways for
long distance freight. Trains use about one third the fuel of trucks per net
tonne kilometre.[86]
5.10
At present road and rail have about equal shares of Australia’s
total freight transport task in tonne/kilometres (35% and 37% respectively,
with 28% sea and 1% air). However the vast majority of the rail task (86%) is
transporting bulk commodities such as coal and ore. Road performs about 75% of
the non-bulk freight task. It is suggested that only about 15-20% of total
freight is ‘contestable’ - realistically open to competition between road and
rail.[87] This is primarily non-bulk freight
over longer distances on the main intercity routes. The advantage of rail
increases with distance, as the lower line haul cost begins to outweigh the
cost of transhipping at the journey’s beginning and end. The rail share of land
freight on these routes ranges from 10-15% (Sydney-Melbourne) to 70-80%
(eastern states-Perth).[88]
5.11
The Bureau of Transport and Regional Economics (BTRE)
expects that on present trends, assuming no significant change in
infrastructure, the long term decline in rail’s mode share will continue on
most routes. However if there was significant improvement to rail
infrastructure the result might be different.[89]
5.12
This situation has arisen partly because of the
competitive advantage of road in speed and reliability (qualities which have
become more important in the age of ‘just in time’ logistics); partly because
of a history of poor rail management by former public authority owners; and
partly because of past government policies to invest heavily in improving roads
and comparatively little in improving railways.
5.13
Commonwealth policy recognises that the rail system has
been underfunded in the past and has the potential to increase its share of the
freight task if there are improvements to infrastructure and modernisation of
operating practices.[90] The
Commonwealth has committed $2.4 billion to rail improvements over the 5 years
to 2008-9, mostly for the Melbourne-Sydney-Brisbane corridor.[91] In the longer term, Auslink ‘corridor
strategies’ promise a balanced assessment of the road and rail infrastructure
needs of key corridors for the sake of the most efficient overall outcome.
5.14
The Australian Trucking Association supports the need
for investment in railways, but is concerned that the road freight industry
should not ‘have imposts put on our business simply to make rail more
competitive.’[92]
Comment
5.15
Fuel efficiency or possible oil depletion do not figure
particularly in the 2004 Auslink White Paper. The Auslink policies and first
five year program are based on goals of general economic efficiency,
considering the predicted strong growth of freight transport over the next 20
years.[93] However it may be expected
that if there is a long term rise in the price of fuel, this will favour rail
because fuel is a greater proportion of costs for road transport. This may
suggest a need to increase the pace of catchup investment in rail
infrastructure.
Encouraging walking, cycling and public transport in cities
5.16
Many submissions argued for increased use of walking,
cycling and public transport in cities, as a way of reducing transport fuel
use, or at least restraining its growth.
5.17
In Australian cities typically 75-90% of all trips are
by car, 5-10% by public transport, and the rest by cycling or walking.[94] In the last 20 years public transport
use has increased slowly, broadly in line with population growth, but public
transport use as a proportion of all trips has been flat or declining slightly
as car use increases faster.[95] A
major reason for this is that as cities have grown outwards a greater
proportion of people live in fringe areas that require more travel and are
poorly designed for public transport.
5.18
Some increase in public transport use in the last year
has been reported, presumably as a result of petrol price rises. However such
increases are mostly quite small in percentage terms. Another line of reporting
stresses that most motorists have no alternative but to use their cars.
5.19
Ambitious goals for increasing the public transport mode
share are commonly seen in official plans.[96]
In some cities there has been significant investment in this: for example, Perth
has electrified and extended its suburban rail network over the last 15 years,
leading to a three-fold increase in use. The goals of these policies seem to be
to control congestion and pollution, to give people more transport options, and
to improve the mobility of people without cars. Reducing oil dependency would
be an additional benefit.
5.20
Submissions regretted that the Commonwealth refuses to
be involved in improving urban public transport infrastructure. They pointed out
that in many other countries federal governments do contribute to urban public
transport infrastructure.[97] The
recent House of Representatives report Sustainable
Cities recommended that the Commonwealth should support provision of major
urban public transport infrastructure.[98]
The Commonwealth’s current policy is that public transport is the
responsibility of the States.[99]
Comment
5.21
Increasing walking, cycling and public transport use in
cities is a worthwhile goal for a number of reasons, regardless of predictions
about the oil future. If there is a long term rise in the price of oil, it will
be all the more necessary.
5.22
However we should not underestimate the difficulties
involved. Vast areas of post World War 2 suburbia have been designed on the
assumption that most travel would be by car, and with the aim of making this
easier. The effect has been to make travel in any other way more difficult, as activity
centres disperse to sites distant from the public transport network, and the
environment for pedestrians and cyclists is degraded by traffic. In these areas
existing public transport routes do not serve many travel needs, and existing services
mostly function as welfare for people without cars, with a very low proportion
of total trips (less than 5%).
5.23
Turning around this situation requires better public
transport services and supportive
planning policies to shape urban development so that public transport networks
can work efficiently and attract more ‘choice’ customers. This means, for
example:
-
encouraging commerce and employment to locate at
strongly planned regional centres, so that public transport networks have
somewhere to focus on;
-
new subdivisions to be planned so that buses can
be routed efficiently;
-
transit-oriented development: medium density
mixed-use development around public transport nodes (this will usually mean
rail stations, since rail best provides the visibility and permanence needed to
attract this sort of development);
-
design principles to give high priority to a
quality pedestrian environment.
5.24
Urban strategic planning is the responsibility of State
and Territory governments. The needed initiatives involve State and local
government. Most of them require regional scale planning going beyond the
boundaries of any one local government area.
5.25
In all these matters, the aim of policy is to change
people’s travel behaviour at the margin. In the foreseeable future walking,
cycling and public transport will continue to be unsuitable for many travel
needs. The aim is to encourage them where they are suitable. A commonly stated
goal is to increase the public transport mode share from 10% to 20% of trips. On
the positive side, because the present public transport share is so low, only a
small behavioural change by motorists would be needed to greatly increase
public transport use.[100] This would
make better services more viable.
Other matters: fringe benefits taxation of company cars
5.26
Many submissions argued that the concessionary tax
treatment of cars as a fringe benefit should be abolished. They argued that the
concession encourages the use of cars for commuting and is contrary to widely
held government policy goals to promote public transport and restrain urban traffic
congestion.
5.27
The concession was worth about $1.1 billion in 2004-5.[101]
The tax forgone is about 43% of the tax that would be collected if the taxable
fringe benefit was calculated accurately. The concession is worth, on average,
about $2,300 per vehicle.[102]
5.28
The statutory formula method of calculating the tax
liability, which creates the concessionary aspect, was adopted to minimise
compliance costs and to support the Australian car industry, which at the time
(1986) attracted significant government support and provided nearly 85% of car
sales.
5.29
The Institute
of Chartered Accountants in Australia
(the ICAA) argues that the concessionary treatment should be ended, since:
- it undesirably distorts economic behaviour;
- as a way of assisting the Australian car industry
it is poorly targeted, as now only 29% of new cars are Australian-made.
5.30
The ICAA points out that the question of minimising
compliance costs is distinct from the question of
whether the tax should be concessionary. A statutory formula method could be maintained for
the sake of easy compliance, while the concessionary aspect could be removed by
adjusting the rates.[103]
Comment
5.31
The Committee notes that the Council of Australian
Governments (COAG) in February 2006 resolved to investigate options for managing
urban traffic congestion consistent with jurisdictional responsibilities.[104] The Committee suggests that this
should include the Commonwealth reconsidering the policy behind the
concessionary fringe benefits tax on cars.
5.32
The Committee suggests
investigation of a concessionary scheme for provision of public transport
access by employers, and investigation of other tax measures to discourage
urban congestion.
Senator Rachel Siewert
Chair
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