Australian Greens Senators' Dissenting Report
1.1
The Australian Greens do not support the majority report of this
Committee. This Bill in its original form is simply another version of harsh
cuts from the Government's cruel 2014-15 Budget, and it should not be passed.
1.2
We note that the Government has amended the Bill in the House of
Representatives after its introduction, but prior to this Committee’s reporting date, with changes reflecting Labor's
reported position.[1]
The Australian Greens still oppose the amended Bill, which will cut Family Tax
Benefit B to 76,000 couples with children aged 13+.[2]
This is an age when the support children need is increasing, and the Government
should not be cutting support to families.
1.3
The amended Bill is simply a watered down version of the
Government's cuts, and should not be passed.
Measures in the Social Services Legislation Amendment (Family Payments
Structural Reform and Participation Measures) Bill 2015
1.4
The Social Services Legislation Amendment (Family Payments Structural
Reform and Participation Measures) Bill 2015 ('the Bill') makes a number of
changes to the family tax benefit (FTB) system, and to a number of related
payments.
1.5
Specifically, the Bill:
-
Phases out the annual FTB-A ($726.35) and FTB-B ($354.05)
supplements between 2015-16 and 2017-18.[3]
-
Removes FTB-B for all children aged 17-18, and couple families
with a child aged 13-16.
-
Reduces the maximum rate of FTB-B from $2,784.95 to $1,000
annually for single parents and grandparent carers with children aged 13-16.
-
Increases FTB-A and some equivalent payments (for specific Youth
Allowance and Disability Support Payment recipients) by around $5 a week.
-
Increases FTB-B by $1,000 annually for families with a child
under one.
1.6
The changes in this Bill represent a significant cut to the FTB system.
The measures are expected to provide a net save of around $4.8 billion over the
forward estimates.[4]
The Government's rationale is an ad-hoc search for savings regardless of the
damage, reflecting the approach taken in the 2014-15 Budget, rather than a
genuine attempt at structural reform to improve the system.
Cuts to FTB-B
1.7
The Bill as originally introduced removes FTB-B for all children aged
17-18, and couple families with children aged 13-16. It also significantly
reduces FTB-B for single parents and grandparent carers with children aged
13-16.
1.8
These cuts will impact 136,000 single parents, and some 4,000
grandparent carers and thousands of low income couple families. These cuts
reduce support that is intended to combat child poverty, and could have a
devastating impact. While the cuts take a different form, the underlying approach
is the same as the 2014-15 Budget. As the Australian Council of Social Services
said in their submission:
Although the current Bill will be less severe in its impacts
than those proposed in 2014-15 Budget, the changes remain very harsh. Unlike
the age pension changes, this Bill does not seek to better target payments to
lower income families while tightening access for those on higher incomes. It
will affect those on the lowest incomes the most, including single parent and
low income couple households.
It is estimated that 136,000 single parents with older
children will be adversely affected by the changes to Part B alone, with a sole
parent with one child over 13 to lose approximately $2,500 per year (as will
grandparents) and those with two children over 13 to lose around $3,000 per
year (as will grandparents).
Some 76,000 couple families will lose the Part B payment
entirely, some of who are already on very low incomes. Low-income couples with
children over 13 will lose between $3,500 and $4,000 per year.
Some 4000 grandparents will be affected by the changes.
The numbers affected and the extent of the income losses mean
that the changes are likely to lead to an increase in child poverty, noting
child poverty is already concentrated in single parent families. There are
already 600,000 children living below the poverty line in Australia.[5]
1.9
The cost of children typically increases with age, however the approach
in this Bill is to cut payments to older children. As the Government's McClure
Report concluded:
The costs of children increase markedly at the following
points in the lifecycle: starting primary school, starting secondary school and
entering the final two years of secondary school. The new Child and Youth
Payment will better reflect this and be higher for older children than for
younger children. Payments for low income families with children and young
people should support children to finish their education and transition to the
workforce.[6]
1.10
During the Committee hearing, Departmental officials said they had not
analysed the cost of children, but referred to the 'cost of children table ...
developed for child support purposes'.[7]
That table reflects a higher cost for children aged 13 and over, with lower
costs for children aged 12 and under,[8]
and multiple submissions and witnesses noted that children's needs increase as
they age.[9]
1.11
In particular, cuts to FTB-B would have a devastating impact on the
136,000 single parents affected, who are already struggling following other
cuts. As one witness said, '[s]ole parents have borne the brunt of successive
cuts. They are completely ill equipped to manage any further reductions.'[10]
These include the measures by successive Liberal and Coalition Governments
which forced single parents onto Newstart, which significantly increased the
risk of child poverty.[11]
1.12
While the cut to FTB-B is reduced for single parents and grandparents
with children aged 13+, this would not cover some other groups who may need
additional support as carers. In particular, kinship and foster carers are not
covered by the reduced rate of FTB-B and will be subject to the full cut after
children turn 13.[12]
1.13
The cuts to FTB-B included in this Bill will hit the parents and
carers of teenagers particularly hard. The evidence shows that children's needs
are typically greater as they age, particularly in their final two years of
school.
Phasing out end of year supplements
1.14
One of the harshest cuts in the Bill is the removing of the end of year
supplements for FTB-A and FTB-B. When these supplements were initially
introduced, there were two broad rationales for their introduction:
-
To provide an increase to the overall FTB payments; and
-
To do so in a way which provided relief to families who had small
debts as a result of the reconciliation process.[13]
1.15
Part of the Coalition's stated rationale is to phase-out the
supplements, with the expectation that by the time they are phased out new
Australian Taxation Office systems will allow accurate estimates of income
throughout the year.[14]
Public statements by the Government, and evidence heard during the Committee
process, suggest that expecting new systems to be fully effective is at best
wildly optimistic.
1.16
While the Government initially intended to introduce the single-touch
Australian Taxation Office system by July 2016, that date has been postponed to
some time 'in a couple of years'.[15]
In October 2015, an ATO spokesperson said:
Consultation is continuing on the scope and timing for the
Single Touch Payroll initiative and the feasibility of conducting targeted
pilots subject to a final Government decision to proceed with the initiative.[16]
1.17
Multiple witnesses and submissions to the Committee were concerned that
the relevant departmental computer systems were simply not capable of the
linkages required.[17]
As Ms Terese Edwards, Chief Executive Office of the National Council for Single
Mothers and their Children Inc. said:
On Tuesday I attended a child support teleconference and it
was made clear to us that even though this has been a goal for the last eight
years that families still need to go to both agencies just to let them know of
their income, because the computer systems cannot talk to each other within the
one department. If you ever have the chance to go onto the family payments
Facebook page, which is run by the department, you will find that at critical
points, where tax returns are meant to be in, or other forms are lodged or
around payments, that the most common complaint is that the IT system is not
working. I would argue that the current system is not working; it causes great
duress. So I have no faith in this being cited as a rationale for reducing the
annual supplements.[18]
1.18
Fundamentally, the Government's rationale that updated computer
systems will enable end of year supplements to be phased out is flawed.
1.19
Regardless of the computer systems, removing the supplement would be a
significant reduction in the support provided to vulnerable groups including
single parents. As the National Welfare Rights Network explained:
...simply abolishing the supplements, without a corresponding
and equivalent increase in base rates of payment, is no more than a reduction
in payments in a system where levels of support for many families are
inadequate (especially following the transition of single parents with children
from Parenting Payment Single to Newstart Allowance).[19]
1.20
Many families rely on the end of year supplement to make purchases which
are otherwise unavailable, but can be crucial for struggling families:
Another key and important supplement is the annual 'one-off'
supplement, which is essential for single parents and carers. These end-of year
supplements are factored into household budgets, enabling carers and single
parents to meet large costs that they simply cannot meet within the weekly
budget. Items purchased with these payments can include car registration, the
replacement of household goods or insurance costs...[20]
1.21
Despite the Government's best efforts to focus on other aspects, the
reality is that except for those families with a child under one, the vast
majority of FTB recipients would lose significant amounts of support if this
Bill were passed.[21]
This is particularly true for families on FTB-B.
1.22
The removal of the end of year supplements compounds the harsh impacts
of the FTB-B cuts, taking away crucial support from those who need it most,
including single parents, grandparent carers, and low income couples. The
Australian Council of Social Services estimated that the Bill would reduce
support:
-
to single parent families by $50 to $60 per week;
-
to low-income couple families of by $70 to $80 per week.[22]
1.23
Cuts to the end of year supplements will hit families who need
support the most, including single parents, grandparent carers and low income
couples.
Cuts to support for individuals who are victims of domestic violence
1.24
Tragically, some recipients of family tax benefit have experienced
domestic violence. Evidence to the inquiry highlighted the risks of cutting
support to those most in need. Ms Terese Edwards said:
With regard to family and domestic violence, our survey of
single mothers impacted by family and domestic violence stated that family
payments are essential—not just helpful, not just good but essential—when they
exhausted their savings and borrowed money. We also heard from families about
the ongoing cost to protect themselves, the cost of continuously leaving and
running, and the cost of extra medical support, counselling et cetera.[23]
1.25
The Australian Greens strongly oppose cutting support to some of the
most vulnerable members of our community.
Modelling, transparency and the impact of the cuts
1.26
The Australian Greens are significantly concerned about how the
Government has chosen to hide the impact of its cuts. The Government has
consistently chosen to conceal the full impact of its cuts, in press releases,
in speeches in Parliament, and in failing to provide key information to the
Committee.
1.27
The press release announcing the changes included 'cameos', supposedly
to demonstrate the impact of the cuts. However, the examples presented
explicitly included the impact of childcare reforms (for which legislation had
not yet been introduced into Parliament, and which would not benefit all
families), and explicitly excluded the slashing of supplements, which
would dwarf the minor $5 a week increase.
1.28
Similarly, in his second reading speech, the Minister said: 'The
increase in their fortnightly payments will help families better manage their
day-to-day budgets by providing them with timely, regularised assistance when
they need it the most'.[24]
This ignores the fact that when the impact of removing the supplement is
included, almost all recipients will be worse off.
1.29
A number of witnesses to the Committee highlighted the lack of published
analysis by the Government.[25]
Officials from the Department of Social Services said that in briefing
Government, they had 'provided various advice around these measures', and that 'we have done examples of how families would be
impacted by the whole range of measures'.[26]
It is irresponsible of the Government to make a $4.8 billion cut without
explaining the impact it will have on single parents, grandparent carers and
low income couples. The Government appears to be determined to hide what the
real impact of the cuts will be.
1.30
The Australian Greens wish to thank those who provided clear and
detailed analysis of the impacts, which are invaluable in understanding the
impacts of specific measures in the Bill, despite the Government's
unwillingness to provide clear information. Among those who examined the
specific impacts were:
-
The Australian Council of Social Services,[27]
-
The Parliamentary Library,[28]
and
-
Peter Whiteford in The Conversation.[29]
1.31
The Government has worked to hide the impacts of its cuts, making
it harder to evaluate the detailed impact of the measures in the Bill.
Links to the child care reform package
1.32
Ministers and officials repeatedly cited the putative link between the
cuts in this Bill, and the proposed child care reform package. However while
the child care package has been announced, no enacting legislation has been
introduced into the Parliament.
1.33
More importantly, many of those who will be hit hardest by the cuts will
not benefit from the increased child care support. In particular, those with
children aged 13+ are very unlikely to receive any benefit from changes in the
childcare package.
1.34
As the Australian Council of Social Services explained to the Committee,
the two packages in conjunction would likely involve a redistribution from
older families to younger families:
Our sense is that the effect of those two packages is going
to be a redistribution of income, really, from families with older children to
families with younger children. We also note that not everyone in the childcare
package is going to be a winner either, and we have some significant concerns
about low-income and vulnerable families who will be affected by the new
stricter activity test, which will effectively reduce their access to early
childhood education and care from two days to one day a week, or 24 hours to
12. So there are also some significant losers from the childcare package.[30]
1.35
The link between the measures in the Bill and the proposed child
care package is tenuous at best, and the Government has not clearly made the
case for why improving child care requires cutting support to families,
particularly single parents, grandparents and low income couples.
Recommendation 1
1.36
The Australian Greens recommend this Bill not be passed.
Senator Rachel Siewert
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