Chapter 2
Challenges facing the disability sector
2.1
Evidence taken by the committee shows that the challenges facing the
disability sector are substantial and that the existing system is not operating
effectively. People with disabilities, carers, service providers and
governments all agreed that there are many inadequacies in the choice, funding
and support options available for people with a disability and their carers. The
failings of the system have been well documented by the Productivity Commission
in its recently released Draft Report on Disability Care and Support:
The disability support 'system' overall is inequitable,
underfunded, fragmented, and inefficient and gives people with a disability
little choice. It provides no certainty that people will be able to access
appropriate supports when needed. While some governments have performed much
better than others, and there are pockets of success, overall no disability
system in any jurisdiction is working well in all of the areas where change is
required.[1]
2.2
In this chapter, the committee will provide an overview of the
challenges currently facing the disability support system. The committee provides
this in order to consider the implications that this has for planning. For a
more complete analysis of the challenges facing the disability system readers
should refer to the Productivity Commission's Draft Report, Chapter 2—'Why real
change is needed'.
A culture of 'crisis'
2.3
Witnesses appearing before the committee described the disability sector
as having a culture of crisis. They said there was little choice about services,
substantial unmet need in all areas and significant underinvestment in housing.
Witnesses also described a fragmented and uncoordinated disability system: a
lack of clarity in funding arrangements and a service system too complex and
difficult to navigate. The committee also heard calls for improved data on
disability; greater national consistency with respect to policy settings and
service provision; and more flexibility and portability with funding and
programs. The committee notes that under the NDA the states and territories
have made commitments to reform in each of these areas but it believes that the
delivery of these commitments has been poor.
2.4
In offering an assessment of the current state of planning in the
disability community, the Department of Families, Housing, Community Services
and Indigenous Affairs suggested that frequently planning is often only taking
place at the moment of crisis. Planning, they conceded, 'has tended to be
crisis driven'.[2]
While regrettably, the evidence received by the committee has emphasised this
point, the committee does not regard 'planning' and 'crisis' as concomitant concepts.
Crisis intervention and response is not planning; it is not pre-emptive nor
does it adequately anticipate future need. The committee believes that the lack
of long-term thinking demonstrated by the bureaucracy has contributed to this
crisis. The committee also believes that, as a community, we plan in order to
avoid crisis and that good public policy is designed to prevent crises from
taking place. This report will therefore examine ways to develop planning
cultures that avert rather than respond to crisis.
2.5
The notion that the disability sector is 'crisis driven' was reinforced
by many witnesses appearing before the committee.[3]
It was widely suggested that one only comes to the notice of authorities or
support services when a carer can no longer care and when the person with the
disability becomes an urgent planning case. For many ageing carers, the
situation is desperate and the committee has heard of numerous instances where
a carer has relinquished a child in order to receive appropriate care and
support. People Without Disability suggested, with respect to the availability
of supported accommodation in New South Wales:
At the moment, if you want accommodation in New South Wales
you join a queue. You do not get to the top of that queue unless, really, you
are in crisis and the only way to leapfrog the queue is if you are in crisis.
That is a sad aspect of our work: families or individuals are often brought to
the point where they resort to abandonment or to rendering a person
theoretically homeless before there is a response. So certainly there needs to
be a significant amount of investment across the range of services in the
sector.[4]
2.6
The form of crisis management that has become a feature of the system
was also described as having significant implications for disability funding.
Dr Ken Baker, Chief Executive of National Disability Services, suggested that
funding for the disability sector was reactive rather than proactive: 'One of
the perverse features of the current system is that its investment in early intervention
is relatively small compared to crisis management'.[5]
This suggests a more systemic problem: that the disability system is so
underfunded and that governments are so overwhelmed that they can only deal
with the challenges that are most urgent.
2.7
These problems are exacerbated by the underinvestment in housing. It
becomes very difficult to transition someone out of the family home, for
example, and into alternate accommodation, if there are no places available. As
a result, there are many individuals, well into middle age, who continue to
live in the parental home. Professor Christine Bigby explained:
...we do not provide the necessary support to enable people to
leave home and to live independent lives with the support that is necessary. So
we have this block, this brick wall, that people hit when they do have to leave
home when their parents cannot care for them anymore. It has created a problem
which we could easily solve in the long run by providing more supported
accommodation.[6]
2.8
Scope, a disability service provider in Victoria, also suggested that
managing a crisis in one part of the system only results in drawing resources
from another part of the system, which in turn transfers the crisis:
In the emergency housing area, if a crisis happens the person
with the disability ends up going into respite care facility. Last year in the
north-western metropolitan region 50 per cent of our respite places were blocked
up—it sounds awful saying 'blocked up'—and were unable to be used because of
crises that had happened in ageing carers' homes and the person with the disability
had to take the place for a year or two years. That meant all the other people
that wanted to use respite were not able to use it because 50 per cent of our
places were taken up with crises.[7]
2.9
It is not just that resources are constantly being shifted to manage
cases of crisis, but many carers only seek assistance when crisis occurs.[8]
Many carers, having lost confidence in the sector, do not have any engagement
with the service system and it is only when they can no longer care that they
seek to re-engage the system. While this demonstrates that there are various
drivers that contribute to instances of crisis, it also reinforces that there
are significant levels of unmet need.
2.10
Evidence provided to the committee has made it clear that there is
significant underinvestment in the sector and that there are simply not enough
resources to adequately support people with disabilities. Nevertheless, the
committee found it difficult to obtain specific data on levels of unmet need.
While the states and territories are obliged to agree on measures to determine
unmet need under the NDA, the committee heard from FaHCSIA that the department
is still working with state officials on how best this can be achieved:
We have been working with state officials on a NDA priority
called better measurement of unmet need. There is a national report in draft
form on that. I said there were a number of methodologies. That report takes
quite a sophisticated actuarial approach to measuring unmet need. There are
other approaches around and you get slightly different answers when you look at
them. The unmet need report is going to go to ministers again soon—around the
middle of the year—for them to consider publishing it. Actually we are quite
happy with the national progress on measuring unmet need.[9]
2.11
Beyond the levels of unmet need discussed here, the committee is
concerned that there is currently no sense that individuals have a right
to support—there is no entitlement based on need. In this respect there is a
significant gap between what is said, or what is aspired to, and what is being
delivered on the ground. Related to the question of rights is the question of
choice. For it is not simply that there is little choice in services, or
service providers, but often people are reluctant to relinquish one form of
care, not because that care suits them or meets their need, but because they
feel that there is nothing to replace it. The notion of choice suggests
corresponding options and in many instances these simply do not exist. As the
submission from Mai-Wel indicates: 'Choice is only good if you have
alternatives'.[10]
Navigating the disability system
2.12
In addition to the problems associated with unmet need and the lack of
choice, many witnesses expressed concern about the complexity of the disability
support system. There is no central or single access point for information about
disability support, there is little clarity in funding arrangements and
consumers suggest that the system is fragmented and difficult to navigate. Many
individuals do not know where to turn for help and many more do not actually
know what help is available. It represents what the Productivity Commission has
referred to as the 'lottery' of access to services.[11]
2.13
In Chapter 3, the committee will examine the gaps that have developed as
a result of the split of the funding and responsibilities between Commonwealth
and state and territory governments and the complexity of moving between the
disability and aged care sectors. It appears that, from the point of view of
consumers, there is an unclear division over Commonwealth and state
responsibilities, the system is complex and difficult to navigate, and there
are problems with the interfaces between federal and state programs. Here the
committee wishes to identify some of the major problems associated with navigating
the disability system.
2.14
One of the most striking aspects of the evidence taken by the committee
was that concerning the availability and accessibility of information. Common
criticisms are that there is no single access point for consumers, no
centralised repository of information about services, and that there are
difficulties accessing information. The committee notes that under the NDA,
states and territories must address the difficulties that consumers have
accessing information.[12]
2.15
Other witnesses drew parallels between access to information and choice:
'Knowing what your choices are is a fundamental part of being able to make a
choice'.[13]
For many people with disability the information is often inaccessible:
For a lot of people with disabilities the information that is
provided might be at a higher language level or it might be in English which,
if you have been speaking Auslan your entire life or if you use Makaton or
another form of communication, is not necessarily appropriate.[14]
2.16
Concerns were also raised with the committee about access for people
from non-English speaking backgrounds and for older people not connected to the
internet.[15]
2.17
Mrs Joan Hughes, CEO Carers Australia, spoke directly of the
implications that poor access to information has for planning:
Often carers are so tired and cynical in a way that they just
feel they cannot go through what they need to in order to find viable options.
Often carers are not aware or informed of these options or what services are
available and as such they do not have the capacity to plan.
Carers have consistently reported to us that searching for
relevant information is very stressful to them. It is time consuming and
sometimes it does not eventuate in clear options for how they will progress
their future and for the people they are supporting. You can imagine how
exhausting this process must be for them.
Information is the key piece of the future planning puzzle, and
it cannot be expected that carers have the time and resources to seek this
information out on their own. Carers Australia believes that every effort must be
made to simplify this process and assist carers in having sufficient
information to make informed choices for their futures and the people in their
families.[16]
2.18
The complexity of the service system and the availability of support
arrangements act as another significant barrier to planning. Speaking about the
complexity of the system Dr Ken Baker, Chief Executive of National Disability
Services, observed:
Even for someone in my position who makes a full-time job of
knowing the disability service system, it is still very complicated. I cannot
imagine how family carers, people with disability and even service providers
find their way around the current system. The eligibility criteria are
complicated, pathways between service types often end up as dead ends and the
articulation between different programs and service systems and between state
and federal programs is poor. This essentially generates, I think, both risk
aversion and bewilderment on the part of family carers. They do not feel
empowered by this system. It is too complicated. They feel risk-averse because
they feel that if they, for example, encourage a son or daughter to try
employment and employment does not work out then they may be left with nothing
or they may be at the back of the queue. The complexity is a product of the
highly rationed funding. A lot of the administrative effort within state and
federal departments goes into refining the rationing rules and building the
gateways rather than looking at ways in which pathways and access to services
can be opened up.[17]
2.19
With respect to current arrangements for funding and support across
disability and aged care sectors, those under 65 are currently a state
responsibility whereas those over 65 are a Commonwealth responsibility. In many
instances this administrative distinction is difficult for consumers to
understand. This is particularly so for those people under 65 with a disability
who suffer from degenerative conditions, and for those experiencing premature
ageing and who require support from aged care service providers. The complexity
attached to these age thresholds is covered in Chapters 3 and 4.
2.20
The sense of complexity, as stated by the CEO of a peak intellectual
disability organisation, was reiterated by consumers. Ms Margaret Cooper, Women
with Disabilities Australia, explained that she relies upon six organisations
to provide her care package for post-polio syndrome. This involves five
different programs with four different team leaders; each has its own
administrative procedures and administration costs.[18]
Ms Cooper added with respect to the proposed increase to the retirement age to
67:
I understand there is some change, anticipating 2011. I am
now 67 and next year I will be officially aged. Talking to my three case
managers and four team leaders, I said, 'What's this going to mean for me?' The
answer: I do not know. 'Am I going to be transferred to aged care and, if so,
what happens to the disability part of me?' I see myself as disabled and getting
older, but a lot of my friends just see themselves as disabled. We do not know
what is going to happen. There is a lot of worry out there; we just do not know...
I do hydrotherapy once a week to keep me flexible. As soon as
I turned 66, the agency that funds that care said, 'Right, you are now in aged
care; we are changing your service provider,' and they changed me to a provider
that had very little experience with disability. Being able to talk better last
year than this year, I yelled and carried on and asserted myself and finally
got my hydrotherapy transferred back to a provider with disability experience.
If I had not done that I would have been in aged care, teaching them how to
look after me. I do not think that is appropriate. That was a preliminary
battle, and that case manager from that agency said, 'Margaret, get ready for
2011.' Great.[19]
2.21
The complexity is then magnified when considering the way that the
Disability Support Pension (DSP) interacts with aged care. For example, if a
person turns 65 and chooses to remain on the DSP but then requires aged care
services, or moves to the Age Pension but still requires disability services,
it is unclear whether services can be accessed on either pension or whether the
person must switch between pensions to obtain appropriate services.[20]
This is an example of the lack of clarity and continuity that exists for people
moving between the DSP and the aged care pension.
2.22
With respect to assessment more generally, many individuals also
reported difficulties obtaining an adequate multidisciplinary assessment.
Evidence indicates that there are insufficient assessment tools for people with
degenerative conditions and for those experiencing premature ageing. The point
was made time and again that, without adequate assessment, it is extremely
difficult to create a tailor-made, or individualised, care plan. The
interaction between the disability and aged care sectors and the aged care
assessment process will be examined in more detail in Chapter 4.
2.23
The committee has further concerns about the interface between
disability and ageing as it relates to supported employment and retirement from
Australian Disability Enterprises (ADEs). Evidence suggests that people with
disabilities have difficulty retiring because of a lack of support services
outside of the ADE and that this also has implications for younger people with
disabilities who seek employment.[21]
2.24
JacksonRyan partners suggested that part of the confusion arises as a
result of national inconsistency with respect to policy and legislative
settings:
...variations in legislation underpin much of the real confusion
and ignorance about policy, decision making and programs which surround people with
a disability, their families and carers. These variations arise whether it is
Victoria compared with the Commonwealth or Victoria compared with other states
and territories. No matter how similar the acts may be or how aligned that the
legislation regulations may be—and I use the word 'aligned' because that is the
word that is in the National Disability Agreement—with national policy and
reform direction as required by the National Disability Agreement, I cannot emphasise
too strongly that, while high level agreement may be reached on the ground with
the service providers, in family homes around the nation confusion and
ignorance abound.[22]
2.25
It is critical that there is consistency of quality standards and
portability of aids and equipment across the states and territories, as agreed
to under the NDA. The committee would like to reinforce that the states and
territories have not delivered on their commitment under the NDA. Matters of
legislative and policy consistency will be explored more in the following
chapter. The committee would like to reinforce that the states and territories
have not delivered on their commitment to the NDA.
2.26
In this chapter the committee has offered a snapshot of the challenges
facing the disability sector. In so doing the committee has sought to build on
the evidence taken by the Productivity Commission as it is reported in its
Draft Report into Disability Care and Support. In the following chapters the
committee will examine many of these challenges in more detail through
examining the implications they have for planning.
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