Chapter 1Introduction

Introduction

1.1Every year, First Nations women and children are murdered or reported missing throughout Australia. The statistics are alarming and all Australians should rightly be concerned and outraged. It is important to remember that the statistics represent real people—sisters, mothers, aunties, grandmothers, children, grandchildren, siblings and cousins—who were and continue to be loved. It is time to acknowledge and end the violence.

Referral and terms of reference

1.2On 25 November 2021, the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, the Senate referred an inquiry into missing and murdered First Nations women and children to the Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee (the committee) for inquiry and report by 30 June 2022.[1]

1.3The prorogation of the 46th Parliament on 11 April 2022 caused the inquiry to lapse, with the Senate re-referring the inquiry to the committee on 4 August 2022 for inquiry and report by 31 July 2023.[2]

1.4The committee has endeavoured to conduct as many hearings as possible around Australia, including with First Nations families impacted by the loss of family members. In total, the committee held 16 hearings. Given that hearing dates have had to be accommodated between sitting dates and other committee hearings, it has required a considerable length of time to complete this inquiry. However, the committee was determined to provide an opportunity for all witnesses who wanted to appear and give testimony to be able to do so.

1.5Given the need to conduct numerous hearings, the Senate granted the committee three extensions of time to report, first from 31 July 2023 to 7December 2023, second from 7 December 2023 to 30 June 2024, and third, from 30 June 2024 to 15 August 2024.[3]

1.6The terms of reference were:

Missing and murdered First Nations women and children, with particular reference to:

(a)the number of First Nations women and children who are missing and murdered;

(b)the current and historical practices, including resources, to investigating the deaths and missing persons reports of First Nations women and children in each jurisdiction compared to non-First Nations women and children;

(c)the institutional legislation, policies and practices implemented in response to all forms of violence experienced by First Nations women and children;

(d)the systemic causes of all forms of violence—including sexual violence—against First Nations women and children, including underlying social, economic, cultural, institutional and historical causes contributing to the ongoing violence and particular vulnerabilities of First Nations women and children;

(e)the policies, practices and support services that have been effective in reducing violence and increasing safety of First Nations women and children, including self-determination strategies and initiatives;

(f)the identification of concrete and effective actions that can be taken to remove systemic causes of violence and to increase the safety of First Nations women and children;

(g)the ways in which missing and murdered First Nations women and children and their families can be honoured and commemorated; and

(h)any other related matters.[4]

Terminology – ‘missing’ or ‘disappeared’?

1.7As an expression of the committee’s deep respect for First Nations’ stakeholders who have undertaken outstanding work in relation to the issues considered in this report, we first deal with the issue of the use of the word ‘missing’ in the terms of reference for this inquiry.

1.8First Nations stakeholders raised concerns with respect to the word ‘missing’ in the terms of reference. Dr Amy McQuire, Sisters Inside and the Institute for Collaborative Race Research argued that Indigenous women, girls and gender diverse people are never actually ‘missing’, a passive adjective that implies that people choose to vanish:

…we do name all these women as murdered – they are violently disappeared by individuals operating within the structures of racial violence in the colony.

What is really ‘missing’ from this Inquiry, and from the dominant stories about [murdered not missing Indigenous women], are the perpetrators of violence against Indigenous women. In erasing the perpetrators, we erase the violence itself and disappeared Indigenous women are isolated from the structures that produce their brutalisation. They become ‘missing’ when in fact they are murdered and disappeared.

Indigenous women experience higher rates of violence as a direct result of this erasure of perpetrators, which creates a culture of impunity. Violence against Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women in Australia is not seen as sufficiently problematic to warrant proper police investigation, judicial redress or media reporting…This [is] the fundamental reason that Indigenous women, girls and gender diverse people experience all forms of violence at much higher rates than others in Australia…The cause of missing and murdered Indigenous women, girls and gender diverse people is ultimately the colonial structure of white supremacy, where a supremacist ideology valorising a white humanitas is operationalised by police, courts, individual predators and media. This structure creates a culture of impunity for some and terror for others.[5]

1.9Ms Meena Singh, the Commissioner for Aboriginal Children and Young People at the Victorian Commission for Children and Young People, articulated similar concerns with the terminology of ‘missing’ or ‘absent’ First Nations children and young people in out-of-home care:

…the challenge with this terminology is that it puts the onus completely on the child—that the child has gone missing; the child is absent. It's as if these actions of going missing and absent are somehow the decisions that are made by a child in their full capacity with no other trauma that they're experiencing or no other life problems that they're dealing with…I see a lot of shaping of language, of service delivery, that makes it easier for the organisation or the department, whoever is providing the service, to blame the child or blame the person who is completely vulnerable, who's in the worst possible situation of their life.[6]

1.10The same point was made by a number of other witnesses who appeared before the inquiry. Mrs Rachel Neary, Coordinator of the Kunga Stopping Violence Program, North Australian Aboriginal Justice Agency (NAAJA), said:

NAAJA endorses the submission titled 'Murdered not missing', by Amy McQuire, Sisters Inside and the Institute for Collaborative Race Research, who have jointly requested that the terms of reference of this inquiry be reframed...In their joint submission, they argue that missing and murdered Indigenous women, girls and gender diverse people are never actually missing. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women do not just vanish from their homes, family and country. In fact, they are disappeared. Their submission poignantly highlights the state's use of racialised stereotypes to position Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Aboriginal women and children in the passive language of 'going missing', conveying that what is enacted by a perpetrator—be it police, individual perpetrators, media, courts, academic research, inquiries and many other colonial institutions—is something that 'just happens' or is somehow 'by choice' and that, by choosing to be vanished, a missing person is complicit in their own victimisation.[7]

1.11Across the country, Ms Nerita Waight, Chief Executive Officer of the Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service, said:

I want to echo concerns raised by a palawa woman, Maggie Blanden, who takes issue with the word 'missing' because our women continue to be violently and forcibly disappeared. The passive language of 'missing' only further compounds that level of indifference to our people.[8]

1.12At the same public hearing, Ms Antoinette Gentile, Acting Chief Executive Officer of Djirra, said:

Djirra supports the comments made by Aboriginal women leaders and others previously in this inquiry who highlighted that Aboriginal women don't just go missing—they are disappeared.[9]

1.13The committee notes that the terminology used in its terms of reference is consistent with that used in Canada's National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Girls and Women (hereafter, the National Inquiry, see ‘Background and context’). Further, that the term ‘missing’ has a particular meaning in the context used by many of the agencies which provided evidence to this inquiry.

1.14For example, Dr Samantha Bricknell, Researcher at the Australian Institute of Criminology, explained that missing persons are categorised as ‘lost’, ‘missing’ or ‘missing-murdered’: ‘'lost' is a person who essentially has control over their own actions and is temporarily disoriented. 'Missing' is either voluntary or involuntarily missing and then, of course, missing-murdered’ (also see paragraph 2.44).[10]

1.15Dr Bricknell added that only the Northern Territory collects unit record data that allows for an analysis of why people go missing. Further, police services use different assessment tools to categorise a missing person:

There is not one uniform assessment tool that is used. So it is up to the police to determine what category that missing person or that missing person event fell into.[11]

1.16However, the submission made by Dr McQuire and other witnesses is very well made. Many of the heartbreaking stories conveyed to the committee during the course of this inquiry involved First Nations women and children who were clearly the subject of violence and could not be found. First Nations women and children had been ‘disappeared’ by perpetrators of heinous crimes. Accordingly, the committee does use the term: 'disappeared' in much of its commentary in Chapter 7. Further, the committee suggests that government agencies and other stakeholders reflect carefully on the use of terminology in relation to this very sensitive matter.

Conduct of the inquiry and acknowledgements

1.17From the outset, the committee gave careful consideration to the conduct of the inquiry, and obtained advice from a range of experts about best practice approaches. Thecommittee takes this opportunity to publicly thank these experts, including commissioners from Canada’s National Inquiry, who provided guidance on how to conduct the inquiry in a sensitive, culturally appropriate and safe manner.

1.18In accordance with its usual practice, the committee advertised the inquiry on its website and wrote to over 300 individuals and organisations, inviting submissions by 11 November 2022. The committee subsequently extended this date to 12 December 2022 and continued to accept submissions thereafter. Thecommittee received 87 submissions, which are listed at Appendix 1.

1.19The committee held 10 public hearings across six jurisdictions: the Australian Capital Territory, New South Wales, Western Australia, Queensland, theNorthern Territory and Victoria. A list of the witnesses who appeared at these hearings is at Appendix 2.

1.20The committee thanks the individuals and organisations who contributed to this inquiry, whether in a personal or professional capacity.

1.21The public submissions, Hansard transcripts of evidence, additional information, tabled documents and answers to questions placed on notice can be accessed on the committee’s website at: www.aph.gov.au/Senate_legalcon.

In camera hearings

1.22In addition to the public hearings, the committee held seven private (or in camera) hearings with First Nations families in New South Wales, Western Australia, Queensland, the Northern Territory and Victoria, to hear their lived experience.

1.23The committee provided these families with information about the inquiry and the committee’s approach to taking evidence. Family members decided the extent to which they participated and shared their experiences.

1.24The committee endeavoured to provide a safe and respectful environment for all participants. This included Welcomes to Country and Smoking Ceremonies, informal opportunities to engage with senators (both before and after in camera sessions), and the attendance of counsellors and/or crisis support workers during the in camera hearings. This provided an invaluable opportunity to discuss concerns and issues with First Nations witnesses and their families, both before and after the giving of evidence. We recommend the practice to committees conducting future inquiries where testimony is given by witnesses who have suffered great trauma. The wellbeing of witnesses needs to be paramount.

1.25The committee expresses its heart-felt gratitude to all the First Nations people who contributed to or assisted with the conduct of this inquiry. To each of the families who appeared, please know that your contributions made a profound difference to the deliberations of the committee.It would not have been possible for the committee to appreciate the human impact of this issue without hearing your evidence. The contributions from families especially helped the committee to better understand what has been happening to First Nations women and children throughout Australia. Please know that the committee was deeply and profoundly moved by the love expressed for your family members. This has underlined the importance of this inquiry in the minds of all committee members.

General note on terminology and apologies

1.26Thecommittee acknowledges that Australia’s FirstNations peoples comprise hundreds of groups that have their own distinct languages, histories and cultural traditions.[12] In this report, the terms ‘Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people’, ‘First Nations people’ and ‘Indigenous people’ are used. Thecommittee does not intend any disrespect by this usage, which reflects the terminology commonly used in submissions and evidence.

1.27The committee also acknowledges that, in some First Nations cultures, it is inappropriate to use the name of a deceased person. Thisreport sometimes refers to specific women and children who are known, or suspected, to be deceased. The committee uses these names only where strictly necessary and regrets any concerns arising from such use.

Background and context

1.28From 2016 to 2019, the Canadian government conducted a national inquiry into the high number of missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls in Canada (the National Inquiry).[13]

1.29On 3 June 2019, the Commissioners for the National Inquiry released their final report titled Reclaiming Power and Place. The first overarching finding identified the cause of Canada’s staggering rates of violence against Indigenous women, girls and two-spirit, lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, queer, questioning, intersex and asexual (2SLGBTQQIA) people, as follows:

The significant, persistent, and deliberate pattern of systemic racial and gendered human rights and Indigenous rights violations and abuses – perpetuated historically and maintained today by the Canadian state, designed to displace Indigenous Peoples from their land, social structures, and governance and to eradicate their existence as Nations, communities, families, and individuals – is the cause of the disappearances, murders, and violence experienced by Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people, and is genocide. This colonialism, discrimination, and genocide explains the high rates of violence against Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people.[14]

An Australian inquiry

1.30The findings from Canada’s National Inquiry attracted international attention[15] and led some countries to conduct their own inquiries into missing and murdered Indigenous people.

1.31In Australia, Linda Burney MP, a Wiradjuri woman and then Shadow Minister for Indigenous Australians, called for a Senate inquiry to understand the extent of violence against Indigenous women. Ms Burney stated that the number of Indigenous women going missing or being murdered warranted greater attention and consideration:

‘There is certainly a lack of urgency, a lack of recognition of the broader issue of violence in Australia and the amount of women who lose their lives… People need to recognise that for Aboriginal families, these are not statistics, they are real people. They’re sisters, mothers, cousins, aunties’.[16]

1.32Senator Dorinda Cox, a Noongar Bibbulmen Yamatji woman, was also quoted in media, saying that there are many First Nations families wondering why their loved one’s case goes unnoticed and is continually unsolved:

‘We have a justice system that does not take seriously the issues of missing and murdered First Nations women and children in this country…[An] inquiry will ask those questions for those families’.[17]

1.33In her First Speech, Senator Cox stated her intention to campaign for an inquiry like that conducted in Canada, to give a voice to murdered and missing Indigenous women:

The red handprint symbol on the mask that I wore into the chamber yesterday and that I hold up today is a symbol of the bloodied hand silencing the voices of those stories. Thiswork must be a priority to inform the already committed separate national plan on violence against First Nations women. We must prioritise and expedite a range of responses that can transform societal and cultural norms that are at the heart of the primary prevention work. A larger investment is required in primary prevention. Having trauma-led, on‑country programs diverting away from the justice system will enable healing and recovery to occur. This is the foundation for change.[18]

1.34On 25 November 2021, Senator Cox successfully moved a motion in the Senate for the referral of this inquiry to the committee.[19] The government, led by the former Prime Minister, the Hon Scott Morrison MP, and the then Opposition, led by the Hon Anthony Albanese MP, supported the motion, emphasising their parties’ commitment towards ending all gender-based violence in Australia.[20]

Commonwealth government responsibilities

1.35In Australia, the state and territory governments are primarily responsible for child protection and law enforcement, including policing and justice system responses to family, domestic and sexual violence (FDSV).[21]

1.36The Commonwealth government recognises, however, that action is required to ensure the safety of First Nations women and children and that addressing the issue of missing and murdered First Nations women and children requires a concerted effort at all levels of government.[22]

1.37Accordingly, the Commonwealth government provides national leadership on a range of initiatives to respond to discrimination, inequality and gender-based violence. The three key federal initiatives are:

the National Agreement on Closing the Gap (the National Agreement);

the National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children 2022–2032 (theNational Plan); and

the First Nations Justice package announced in the 2022­–23 Federal Budget.[23]

National Agreement on Closing the Gap

1.38The National Agreement aims to ‘overcome the entrenched inequality faced by too many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people so that their life outcomes are equal to all Australians’.[24]

1.39This National Agreement sets out four Priority Reforms to change the way that governments work with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to achieve its key objective.[25] It also establishes socio-economic targets, alongside outcomes, for all levels of government to work toward. Each target addresses a key transition point over an individual’s life, as well as the supports needed at each life stage.[26]

1.40The National Indigenous Australians Agency (NIAA) and the Attorney‑General’s Department (AGD) noted that the inquiry relates to Targets 10 to 13, particularly Target 13:

Target 13: By 2031, the rate of all forms of family violence and abuse against Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women and children is reduced at least by 50%, as progress towards zero.[27]

1.41At the Commonwealth level, the NIAA leads and coordinates implementation of the targets in partnership with the Coalition of Peaks (arepresentative body of more than 80 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community-controlled peak and member organisations) and other First Nations partners.[28]

1.42Specifically in relation to Target 13, the NIAA works with the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet and the Department of Social Services. Thiscollaborative work included the development of the National Plan and its associated Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Action Plan 2023–2025 (First Nations Action Plan).[29]

National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children 2022–2032

1.43The National Plan, released on 17 October 2022, provides an overarching national policy framework to guide actions towards ending FDSV against women and children over the next 10 years. The plan outlines what needs to happen across four domains:

Prevention – working to change the underlying social drivers of violence by addressing the attitudes and systems that drive violence against women and children to stop it before it starts.

Early intervention – identifying and supporting individuals who are at high risk of experiencing or perpetrating violence and prevent it from reoccurring.

Response – providing services and supports to address existing violence and support victim-survivors experiencing violence, such as crisis support and police intervention, and a trauma-informed justice system that will hold people who use violence to account.

Recovery and healing – helping to reduce the risk of re-traumatisation, and supporting victim-survivors to be safe and healthy to be able to recover from trauma and the physical, mental, emotional, and economic impacts of violence.[30]

1.44The National Plan was developed using existing sources, such as Changing the picture: A national resource to support the prevention of violence against Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women and their children (see Chapter 5). This resource was developed by Our Watch, a national leader in the primary prevention of violence, guided by an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Women’s Advisory Group.[31]

1.45The NIAA and the AGD noted that the National Plan aligns with Target 13 of the National Agreement, as well as the agreement’s Priority Reform 2 (Building the community controlled sector) and Priority Reform 3 (Transforming government organisations). The plan will be supported by two five-year Action Plans, and the dedicated First Nations Action Plan (see 'Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Action Plan 2023–2025' below).[32]

1.46The National Plan foreshadows the development of a standalone First Nations National Plan by June 2025, to address the complex and sensitive factors driving violence against First Nations women and children. Inaddition:

A deliverable under this National Plan is a dedicated action plan for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander family safety, which will provide the foundations for the future standalone First Nations National Plan.[33]

1.47The NIAA and the AGD advised that the Commonwealth government has committed $3.4 billion to delivering the National Plan and has recently expedited efforts to progress its primary objective:

In recognition of the need to escalate collective efforts to end gender-based violence, the Prime Minister convened a National Cabinet on 1 May 2024, for the Commonwealth and all states and territories…to come together on this critical issue.

First Ministers agreed to build on and strengthen efforts currently underway under the National Plan, including strengthening accountability and consequences for perpetrators, strengthening and building on prevention work through targeted, evidence-based approaches and maintaining a focus on missing and murdered First Nations women and children.[34]

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Action Plan 2023–2025

1.48On 16 August 2023, the Commonwealth, state and territory governments released the First Nations Action Plan. Development of this plan was led by the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Advisory Council on Family, Domestic and Sexual Violence, a body comprised of 16 respected First Nations leaders.[35]

1.49The First Nations Action Plan sets out five Reform Areas that align with the four Priority Reforms and socio-economic targets in the National Agreement, with a specific focus on Target 13:

It is the primary mechanism through which the Australian, State and Territory governments will work to achieve Target 13 under the National Agreement. [By 2031, the rate of all forms of family violence and abuse against Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women and children is reduced by at least 50%, as progress towards zero].[36]

1.50In the First Nations Action Plan, the five Reform Areas are:

Voice, self-determination and agency.

Strength, resilience and therapeutic healing.

Reform institutions and systems.

Inclusion and intersectionality.

Evidence and data eco-systems.[37]

1.51According to the NIAA and the AGD, the First Nations Action Plan acknowledges the need for additional culturally inclusive and tailored supports.[38]

1.52The First Nations Action Plan operates in conjunction with other Commonwealth, state and territory initiatives.

The Action Plan also corresponds with other existing strategies and targets for realising the rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women and children at the Commonwealth and state/territory levels. Its activities will occur alongside a range of initiatives already being implemented by states and territories under their individual plans.[39]

1.53In the Federal Budget 2023–24, the Commonwealth government committed $262.6 million to support the First Nations Action Plan, Family Violence Prevention Legal Services and ‘undertake an initial review to inform the development of a national standard for government data on lost, missing, or murdered First Nations women and children’.[40]

First Nations Justice package

1.54While state and territory governments are primarily responsible for criminal justice systems (see paragraph 1.35), the Commonwealth government has a key leadership role in achieving Targets 10 and 11 of the National Agreement:

Target 10: By 2031, reduce the rate of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander adults held in incarceration by at least 15 per cent.

Target 11: By 2031, reduce the rate of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people (10-17 years) in detention by at least 30 per cent.[41]

1.55The AGD and the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Legal Services jointly lead the Justice Policy Partnership (JPP), the first of five Policy Partnerships established under the National Agreement. Thepartnership is a collaboration between the Coalition of Peaks, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander experts, and government, which aims to achieve a joined-up approach to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander justice policy:

Issues canvassed at JPP meetings include the misidentification of First Nations women as perpetrators of family and domestic violence, First Nations experiences of coercive control, and eliminating systemic racism in policing and justice system institutions.[42]

1.56As part of the First Nations reform agenda, the Federal Budget 2022–2023 included a $99 million investment over four years to implement a package of complementary measures intended to turn the tide on the overrepresentation of First Nations people in the criminal justice system. The package included, for example, $81.5 million for community-led justice reinvestment initiatives.[43]

Structure of the report

1.57This report comprises seven chapters, as follows:

Chapter 1 provides an introduction, background and context to the inquiry, as well as outlining government responsibilities;

Chapter 2 examines data and related issues in relation to the number of missing and murdered First Nations women and children;

Chapter 3 discusses the causes of and factors driving violence;

Chapter 4 focuses on police culture and practices;

Chapter 5 examines the acknowledgement and response to violence;

Chapter 6 examines Commonwealth government leadership; and

Chapter 7 sets out the committee’s conclusions and recommendations.

Note on references

1.58In this report, references to the Committee Hansard transcript are to proof (uncorrected) transcripts. Page numbers may vary between the proof and official (corrected) transcripts.

Footnotes

[1]Journals of the Senate, No. 129—25 November 2021, p. 4322.

[2]Journals of the Senate, No. 7—4 August 2022, p. 193.

[3]Journals of the Senate, No. 36—9 March 2023, p. 1073; Journals of the Senate, No. 60—3 August 2023, p. 1751; Journals of the Senate, No. 113—25 June 2024, p. 3479.

[4]Journals of the Senate, No. 7—4 August 2022, p. 193.

[5]Dr Amy McQuire, Sisters Inside and the Institute for Collaborative Race Research, Submission 54, p.5.

[6]Ms Meena Singh, Commissioner for Aboriginal Children and Young People, Commission for Children and Young People (Victoria), Committee Hansard, 18 June 2024, p. 24.

[7]Mrs Rachel Neary, Coordinator, Kunga Stopping Violence Program, North Australian Aboriginal Justice Agency, Committee Hansard, 18 April 2024, p. 8.

[8]Ms Nerita Waight, Chief Executive Officer, Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service, Committee Hansard, 18 June 2024, p. 33.

[9]Ms Antoinette Gentile, Acting Chief Executive Officer, Djirra, Committee Hansard, 18 June 2024, p.2.

[10]Dr Samantha Bricknell, Researcher, Australian Institute of Criminology, Committee Hansard, 5October 2022, p. 25.

[11]Dr Samantha Bricknell, Researcher, Australian Institute of Criminology, Committee Hansard, 5October 2022, p. 25.

[12]Australian Bureau of Statistics, ‘Profile of Indigenous Australians’, 7 July 2022, www.aihw.gov.au/reports/australias-health/profile-of-indigenous-australians(accessed 18May 2024).

[13]Government of Canada, ‘Government of Canada Launches Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls’, News Release, 8 December 2015, www.canada.ca/en/indigenous-northern-affairs/news/2015/12/government-of-canada-launches-inquiry-into-missing-and-murdered-indigenous-women-and-girls.html (accessed 18 January 2024).

[14]National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, Reclaiming Power and Place, Executive Summary of the Final Report, 3 June 2019, p.60, www.mmiwg-ffada.ca/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/Executive_Summary.pdf (accessed 18 January 2024).

[15]See, for example: J. Murphy, ‘Canadian national inquiry: Giving a voice to missing and murdered women’, BBC News, 3 June 2019, www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-48274410 (accessed 25January 2024); I. Austen and D. Bilefsky, ‘Canadian Inquiry Calls Killings of Indigenous Women Genocide’, New York Times, 3 June 2019, www.nytimes.com/2019/06/03/world/canada/canada-indigenous-genocide.html (accessed 25 January 2024).

[16]Linda Burney MP, Shadow Minister for Indigenous Australians, quoted in S. Collard and I.Higgins, ‘Senate should investigate ‘missing, murdered, maimed’ Indigenous women, Linda Burney says’, ABC News, 9 December 2019, www.abc.net.au/news/2019-12-09/linda-burney-wants-senate-inquiry-into-missing-indigenous-women/11773992 (accessed 25 January 2024). Also see: Senator Lydia Thorpe quoted in North Australian Aboriginal Family Legal Service, Submission 40, p. 17.

[17]Senator Dorinda Cox quoted in G. Torre, ‘Inquiry into missing and murdered First Nations women announced’, National Indigenous Times, 25 November 2021, www.nit.com.au/inquiry-into-missing-and-murdered-first-nations-women-announced/ (accessed 25 January 2024).

[18]Senator Dorinda Cox, First Speech, Senate Hansard, 19 October 2021, p. 6088.

[19]Journals of the Senate, No. 129—25 November 2021, p. 4322.

[20]Senator the Hon Anne Ruston, Minister for Families and Social Services and Minister for Women’s Safety, Senate Hansard, 25 November 2021, p. 6686; Senator the Hon Penny Wong, Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, Senate Hansard, 25November 2021, p. 6681.

[21]Note: the Attorney-General’s Department provides national leadership on a range of matters where federal, state and territory responsibilities intersect, such as the family law/child protection and criminal justice systems: Ms Esther Bogaart, First Assistant Secretary, First Nations and Justice Policy Division, Attorney-General’s Department, Committee Hansard, 5 October 2022, p. 3.

[22]National Indigenous Australians Agency and Attorney-General’s Department, Submission 6, pp. 5–6.

[23]National Indigenous Australians Agency and Attorney-General’s Department, Submission 6, p. 6. Note: these three initiatives are complemented by other frameworks, strategies and action plans (for example, Safe and Supported: the National Framework for Protecting Australia’s Children 2021–2031, Safe and Supported: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander First Action Plan 2023–2026, and the proposed National Strategy to Achieve Gender Equality).

[24]National Agreement on Closing the Gap (National Agreement), July 2020, paragraph 15, https://static1.squarespace.com/static/62ebb08a9ffa427423c18724/t/64467ee62c9e8f38067d2352/1682341610670/National-Agreement-on-Closing-the-Gap-July-2020.pdf (accessed 25 January 2024).

[25]Note: the four Priority Reforms are: Formal Partnerships and Shared Decision-Making; Building the Community-Controlled Sector; Transforming Government Organisations; and Shared Access to Data and Information at a Regional Level.

[26]National Indigenous Australians Agency and Attorney-General’s Department, Submission 6, p. 6.

[27]National Agreement on Closing the Gap, July 2020, Table B, pp. 37–38.

[28]See: www.legislation.gov.au/C2019G00474/latest/text (accessed 25 January 2024); National Indigenous Australians Agency and Attorney-General’s Department, Submission 6, pp. 6–7.

[29]Mr Ben Burdon, Group Manager, Social Policy and Programs, National Indigenous Australians Agency, Committee Hansard, 5 October 2022, p. 2.

[30]Department of Social Services, ‘The National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children 2022–2032’, www.dss.gov.au/ending-violence (accessed 27 May 2024).

[31]National Indigenous Australians Agency and Attorney-General’s Department, Submission 6, p. 7; Our Watch, Submission 16, p. 4.

[32]National Indigenous Australians Agency and Attorney-General’s Department, Submission 6, p. 7.

[33]Commonwealth of Australia, National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children 2022–2032, 2022, p.19, www.dss.gov.au/sites/default/files/documents/10_2023/national-plan-end-violence-against-women-and-children-2022-2032.pdf (accessed 25 January 2024). Also see: National Indigenous Australians Agency and Attorney-General’s Department, Supplementary submission 6.1, p. 9.

[34]National Indigenous Australians Agency and Attorney-General’s Department,Supplementary submission 6.1, p. 8.

[35]Department of Social Services, ‘Developing the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Action Plan’, https://engage.dss.gov.au/developing-the-aboriginal-and-torres-strait-islander-action-plan/ (accessed 25 January 2024).

[36]National Indigenous Australians Agency and Attorney-General’s Department, Submission 6, p. 7. Also see: Commonwealth of Australia, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Action Plan 2023–2025, 2023, p. 16, www.dss.gov.au/sites/default/files/documents/10_2023/dedicated-action-plan.pdf (accessed 25January 2024).

[37]Commonwealth of Australia, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Action Plan 2023–2025, 2023, p. 79, www.dss.gov.au/sites/default/files/documents/10_2023/dedicated-action-plan.pdf (accessed 25January 2024).

[38]National Indigenous Australians Agency and Attorney-General’s Department,Supplementary submission 6.1, p. 8.

[39]Commonwealth of Australia, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Action Plan 2023–2025, 2023, p. 16.

[40]Commonwealth of Australia, 2023–24 Federal Budget, Budget measures: Budget Paper No. 2, p.90.

[41]National Agreement on Closing the Gap, July 2020, Table B, pp. 32–34.

[42]National Indigenous Australians Agency and Attorney-General’s Department, Submission 6, p. 11. Also see: Attorney-General’s Department, ‘Justice Policy Partnership’, www.ag.gov.au/legal-system/closing-the-gap/justice-policy-partnership (accessed 25 January 2024).

[43]National Indigenous Australians Agency and Attorney-General’s Department, Supplementary submission 6.1, pp. 9 and 12–13.