Chapter 3 - Key issues
Introduction
3.1
The overwhelming majority of evidence received by the committee applauded
Senator Bartlett's initiative in introducing the Bill, and expressed broad
support for the provision of monetary compensation to the stolen generation. Many
of those who supported the Bill recognised its symbolism as an acknowledgement
of the harm incurred by members of the stolen generation and the importance of providing
appropriate redress for that harm.
3.2
Some submissions and witnesses pointed to particular flaws in the
compensation model proposed in the Bill, and suggested ways in which the model
might be improved. However, notwithstanding those perceived flaws, there was a
general consensus that it would be preferable that the Bill proceed in its
current form than not proceed at all. Many felt that the Bill offers a real and
immediate opportunity to provide compensation to the stolen generation – particularly
significant given that many members of the stolen generation are now elderly –
and that such an opportunity might be lost indefinitely if the Bill does not go
ahead.[1]
3.3
The committee received one submission noting that the Bill raises 'false
hopes' for compensation among those Indigenous people who feel they are
eligible to make a claim, given that the Rudd Government has expressly ruled
out payment of compensation to the stolen generation.[2]
Some others expressed the view that, while the Bill is a possible starting
point, it lacks substance, in a legal, social and moral sense, to adequately
resolve the issue of compensation for the stolen generation.[3]
Another stated that 'the Bill is so poorly drafted that it would require
substantial amendment before it could be enacted, so as to remove inaccuracies,
inconsistencies and unnecessary confusion as to its intended operation'.[4]
3.4
This chapter will consider some of the main issues raised during the course
of the committee's inquiry with respect to the payment of compensation to the
stolen generation, including:
- underlying legal and moral rationales for compensation;
- implications of the Federal Government's apology;
- compensation as a preferable alternative to litigation;
- appropriate method and amount of compensation payment;
- appropriate recipients of compensation;
- importance of holistic reparations measures for the stolen
generation;
- relevant domestic and international models of reparation; and
- jurisdictional issues relating to payment of compensation.
Legal and moral rationales for compensation
3.5
The committee received evidence arguing that there are legal, social and
moral obligations to provide compensation to the stolen generation. Some of
these arguments are set out below.
Obligations under international law
3.6
Some submissions and witnesses pointed to the relevance of Australia's obligations
under international law in relation to reparation for human rights
infringements.
3.7
As the Australian Lawyers Alliance explained:
The right to reparation for abuses of human rights is a
recognised principle in international law. Reparations include restitution,
monetary compensation, recognition, rehabilitation and guarantees that abuses
will not occur again.
Articles within the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights (ICCPR), the International [Convention on the Elimination] of
All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), the Convention on the Rights of the
Child (CROC) and the Convention Against All Forms of Torture (CAT) all hold
that where an individual's human rights have been violated, they are entitled
to an adequate and effective remedy.[5]
3.8
The Sydney Centre for International Law (SCIL) articulated specific
well-established international rights which may be relevant in the context of
the stolen generation and, if violated, would require effective remedy by Australia.
Such rights include infringements of rights to family life (Article 23, ICCPR),
culture/minority rights (Article 27, ICCPR), liberty and security of person
(Article 9, ICCPR), equal protection before the law (Article 26, ICCPR), a fair
hearing (Article 14, ICCPR), and education (Article 18, ICCPR); as well as infringements
of the prohibition on racial discrimination (Article 26, ICCPR; ICERD),
children's rights (CROC), freedom from arbitrary interference with privacy,
family and the home (Article 17, ICCPR), and freedom from cruel, inhuman or degrading
treatment (Article 7, ICCPR; CAT).[6]
At the Sydney hearing, Dr Ben Saul from the SCIL also drew the committee's
attention to the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of
the Crime of Genocide of 1948 in this context.[7]
3.9
The SCIL noted further the role of international best practice:
(T)he emergent international law regime on the rights of
indigenous people (2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples) and
on the reconceptualization of indigenous peoples as legal "peoples" entitled
to (internal) self-determination should also influence the measure of
compensation (although such emergent regimes were likely not applicable, at
law, at the time of child removals). In particular, the Declaration on the
Rights of Indigenous Peoples recognises a duty to make reparations to
indigenous peoples whose individual and collective rights have been
infringed.[8]
3.10
In a similar vein, the Australian Lawyers Alliance pointed out that
reparation for human rights abuses has consistently been affirmed within
international courts and tribunals, arguably making it part of international
customary law. Moreover, the United Nations has supported reparation for human
rights abuses and in 1989 commissioned a report on the right to restitution.[9]
3.11
According to the SCIL, the Federal Government's apology, despite being
welcome, is not sufficient to discharge the obligation to make full reparation
at international law and does not take the place of the 'pressing need' to also
provide monetary compensation to members of the stolen generation.[10]
Dr Saul acknowledged that sometimes an apology is enough on its own – 'if,
for example, the material harm done is very slight or insignificant, [but] that
is plainly not the case here'.[11]
3.12
Dr Saul made a further pertinent argument at the Sydney hearing:
(C)ompensation is routinely paid elsewhere for human rights
violations under national bills of rights but also under, for example, the
European Convention on Human Rights and the inter-American system, so it is an
experience which is par for the course elsewhere, not only in this context but
also in terms of working out the quantum of damages and so forth.[12]
Social and moral obligations
3.13
Many submissions and witnesses argued that governments are under social
and moral obligations to provide reparation and compensation to the stolen
generation.
3.14
For example, at the Darwin hearing, Mrs Kathleen Mills from the Northern
Territory Stolen Generations Aboriginal Corporation argued that reparation and
compensation is 'a humanitarian and moral obligation' which 'should be measured
not by speculative value but by careful deliberation, based on compassionate
grounds' and recognising 'the seriousness of the hurt and harm as a common
experience'.[13]
3.15
Ms Jacqueline Katona, representing the Danila Dilba Health Service, emphasised
the unique nature of the circumstances of the stolen generation. She also argued
that the policies of forced removal are a serious blight on Australia's history
and have had enduring social implications:
[There is] the need to address the loss and damages of
Aboriginal people under those specific policies. There were no other pieces of
legislation that brought about this type of harm and loss either to other
Aboriginal people or to non-Aboriginal people. Where non-Aboriginal people were
harmed as a result of state care, there are now compensation schemes which are
available. There needs to be a recognition that the intent of the legislation
was to remove cultural identity. This has been the source of a different set of
damages and losses experienced by Aboriginal people. It established social
constructs and a discourse in this country which are still prevalent...
I do not want to be cliched, but this is a stain on Australia's
history. It is a stain which is still very obvious. We all have to come to
terms with Australia's history. This cannot be simply Aboriginal history. This
is a history which has affected us all.[14]
3.16
In a similar vein, Dr Ian Robinson from the Bringing Them Home Committee
(WA) stressed that compensation payments must be sufficiently commensurate with
the immense trauma suffered by the stolen generation which is still evident
today:
We are not talking just about disadvantage; we are talking about
a traumatised population. They display enormous resilience, but the sensitivity
and nature of it are often obscured.[15]
3.17
Ms Helen Moran from the National Sorry Day Committee also spoke of the deep
and lasting effect of the removal policies:
To have an apology and to implement the obligatory closing of
the gap in life expectancy, health, employment and education between Indigenous
and non-Indigenous people is well and good. They are both a necessity and the
outstanding responsibility of the Australian government, as is the requirement
to make reparations and then install monetary compensation.
...Saying sorry gives back something, but there is something
bigger, incomprehensible, that runs so deep in, to the very core of,
individuals who were taken away from their families. Words do not adequately
respond to the need for this to be attended to: the filling of the seemingly
bottomless ravine existing in each stolen generation member's soul. The healing
of these people as individuals and as a group needs something more tangible to
compensate for their inability to ever replace or fully repair the loss, the
damage and the pain. This is why there has to be restitution, why there has to
be compensation, why there needs to be an audit and monitoring of the Bringing
them home report, recommendation by recommendation—why there has to be a monetary
compensation.[16]
3.18
Anglicare Australia focussed on the ethical obligation to provide
reparation, arguing that, for the Anglican Church, 'operative principles are as
much moral as they are jurisprudential; and...the relevant moral imperative
over-rides any purely legalistic considerations'. Further, '(t)here is...a
broader state responsibility than that limited by the notion of strict
liability or unhelpfully adumbrated by that of intergenerational guilt'.[17]
3.19
The Edmund Rice Institute for Social Justice put forward its argument
for action in a slightly different way:
However platitudinous the observation, this is a country of
remarkable wealth, with significant annual Governmental surpluses for more than
a decade. In this setting, it is not flamboyant to rhetorically inquire: if
not now, when? Australia's
current wealth is substantially built upon Aboriginal land and labour – yet
this wealth eludes Aboriginal people themselves.[18]
3.20
Reconciliation Victoria emphasised the inconsistency between, on the one
hand, the treatment of the stolen generation and, on the other, those affected
by past government policies to whom compensation has been awarded:
Compensation is routinely paid by Governments when a wrong has
been committed or where unjust policies inflict unnecessary trauma. (Ie, the
case of Cornelia Rau, victims of crime, returned solders etc.) The attempted
destruction of Indigenous peoples was far more systematic, long lasting and
cruel than any other committed against people in Australia's history, and these
acts were committed against Indigenous people by the authority of government.[19]
3.21
Australians for Native Title and Reconciliation (ANTaR) noted specifically
that, in 2000, the Federal Government committed ex gratia payments of $25,000
to each Australian Defence Force prisoner of war held by the Japanese, civilian
internees and detainees, or their surviving spouses. Therefore, '(i)t seems
incongruous that a similar payment not be made available to Australian citizens
for their suffering as a result of policies introduced by the governments of
this country'.[20]
Implications of the Federal Government's apology
3.22
During the course of the inquiry, the committee questioned various
witnesses about the implications of the Federal Government's apology, in
particular the likelihood that it would trigger a floodgate of compensation
claims. Overall, witnesses did not consider that the Federal Government's
apology would, in and of itself, result in an increased number of legal claims.
3.23
Mr Darren Dick from the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission (HREOC)
offered the following view about the legal implications of the apology:
There is a useful passage in the decision of Cubillo and Gunner
that I would refer you to. This was one of the stolen generation cases. Justice
O'Loughlin addressed this point specifically: if there had been a federal
apology, what would the implications of it be? ...(I)n essence what he said is
that because of the principles of parliamentary privilege and so forth any
apology in the parliament is of no legal effect...
The other thing with an apology is that it is a general
acknowledgement of an overall practice. It is not a specific acknowledgement of
a particular act. It is not like someone has got up and admitted that they
murdered somebody, which might be a little bit of a different category in terms
of the level of evidence in that sense. So it does not have a direct
implication in terms of being able to substantiate any sort of legal
implication. As people have said, it may well inspire people or generate their
interest in pursuing some sort of action, but if such actions were to be
sustained, they would be found to be entitled to that based on the
circumstances of their case, not based on the fact that there was an apology.[21]
3.24
Drs Saul and Anthony from the SCIL expressed similar views. Dr Saul
stated that the apology 'is plainly not an admission of specific legal
liability in particular cases'; he also noted that he was not aware of any
common law cases where an apology has been a basis for grounding liability.[22]
3.25
Dr Anthony distinguished between the apology, on the one hand, and the
potential for legal recourse, on the other:
(W)hat the apology did was recognise that the policy was wrong
or unjust. It did not say that those administering the policy were acting
unlawfully. The apology was not about the legal implementation. So I think,
very rightly, this bill addresses what the apology raised, which was that the
policy was wrong and that there should now be some type of compensation for the
wrong policy. The legal avenues are a completely different matter. For
instance, in the Bruce Trevorrow case, those who were implementing the policy
acted unlawfully and therefore he was liable for compensation.[23]
3.26
Associate Professor Andrea Durbach from the Australian Human Rights Centre
(AHRC) told the committee that the Public Interest Advocacy Centre (PIAC) had
previously sought legal advice from senior counsel about the impact of an
apology to the stolen generation, and whether any apology might assume
liability on behalf of the government in relation to potential claims. While
unable to divulge its contents, Associate Professor Durbach informed the
committee that:
The advice from very significant senior counsel in Australia and
from one of the biggest law firms was that no liability would attach to that
apology and that it would certainly not be relied on by the courts other than
just an indication of a government approach at a particular time, but nothing
more than that. It would not be an indication of taking responsibility or
accepting responsibility for past acts.[24]
3.27
Associate Professor Durbach also told the committee that, in her
opinion, the apology would not necessarily open the floodgate to litigation:
I do not think the apology is going to trigger a floodgate of
litigation at all. In fact, the Trevorrow decision came prior to the apology
and that case demonstrated very much that you have to have very substantial
evidence in order to get through the threshold criteria in order to establish a
claim. When I was at PIAC we had many, many members of the stolen generation
approach us to litigate but they actually did not do so for a number of
reasons.[25]
3.28
However, Associate Professor Durbach conceded that some members of the
stolen generation may still view litigation as their only feasible option:
People still feel that they have not been heard, they still have
not been acknowledged, and ultimately, in the absence of anything else,
litigation becomes the last resort option. I think there is a push from within
the community to keep pursuing these [options], difficult as they are.[26]
3.29
Ms Laura Thomas from PIAC acquiesced:
I do not think there is any legal reason why the apology would
open the floodgates, but it has energised the Aboriginal community and perhaps
the legal community to a certain extent as well. But the Trevorrow decision has
been far more important in energising a lot of Indigenous people to want to
follow that litigation path. We certainly get inquiries about it all the time
and we know that in other states—Victoria, South Australia and Western
Australia—there are a lot of people who would like to pursue litigation in
spite of all the difficulties that are involved.[27]
3.30
Ms Anna Cody from the Kingsford Legal Centre argued that the apology
'does not impact legally on people's capacity to bring claims'; that is, 'it
does not add to the strength of their claim'. Rather, the apology serves as 'a
symbol, and it is an encouragement on a symbolic level rather than on the legal
level'.[28]
Ms Cody pointed out that the apologies given by each of the state and
territory parliaments have had no impact on the way subsequent cases have been
run.[29]
Compensation as a preferable alternative to litigation
3.31
A large number of submissions and witnesses supported the notion of a
non-adversarial compensation scheme, such as that proposed in the Bill, as a
far preferable alternative to litigation.
3.32
In Anglicare Australia's view, a compensation scheme would obviate the
need for further individual common law claims:
[It] would have several benefits, not least removing the awkward
prospect of governments being forced to defend the policies of its predecessors
after it has issued a formal apology for those very policies. It would
also, of course, save money that would otherwise be spent on legal process and
lawyers' fees.[30]
3.33
The Australian Lawyers Alliance noted the difficulty for members of the
stolen generation to receive just compensation based on common law actions:
Bringing a common law action requires significant evidence to be
gathered, is likely to incur substantial legal costs and is frequently
characterised by a drawn out and traumatic experience for the claimant, with no
guarantee of success. A federal compensation scheme would allow those parties
who suffered as a result of child removal policies to receive compensation
quickly, easily and without unnecessary legal complication.[31]
3.34
Dr Thalia Anthony from the SCIL noted the enormous costs involved in the
Trevorrow case and the flow-on effects of the case itself:
We saw last year in the Trevorrow case against the South
Australian government enormous legal costs accrue for both the plaintiff and
the South Australian government. Millions of dollars were spent on legal costs
alone in litigation that took over 10 years to prepare. This case is now the
subject of an appeal to the full court in South Australia.
In the end, Bruce Trevorrow was awarded $700,000, including
interest, but this amount of money came after he had endured enormous
psychological and emotional trauma in the process. It took into account his financial
loss, his psychological loss and his cultural loss as a result of the removal
policies. In the wake of this case, hundreds of claims have been lodged in South
Australia, so the case has given rise to litigation that is going to increase
the costs of litigation indefinitely.[32]
3.35
HREOC's position was that a reparations tribunal would provide the
stolen generation with a 'welcome alternative' to seeking compensation through the
courts. While redress for some members of the stolen generation may be possible
through the court system (as demonstrated by the Trevorrow case), such
experiences can be protracted, expensive and traumatic for the individuals
concerned. HREOC also identified other potential problems:
As Justice O'Loughlin noted in the case of Cubillo [and
Another] v Commonwealth [(No. 2) [2000] FCA 1084,] litigation
brought by members of the Stolen Generations will also often have a number of
inbuilt barriers to success, including lack of availability of critical
evidence; difficulties in establishing the required onus of proof with the
passage of time; the prejudice to the defendant given the frailty, illness and
death of key witnesses; and the loss and or destruction of records and material
documents. In jurisdictions such as the Northern Territory, for which the
Commonwealth has a specific responsibility, the High Court has also found that
the scope of government's power to enact legislation permitting the removal of
children makes it extremely difficult to establish that any removal was
unlawful [Kruger v Commonwealth (1997) 190 CLR 1].[33]
3.36
Accordingly, in HREOC's view, the Bill's proposed compensation scheme would
provide a 'swifter, more appropriate and less damaging alternative to court
processes'.[34]
3.37
Many witnesses agreed that the loss and destruction of relevant records
and supporting documentation imposes a real barrier to seeking justice through
the courts. For example, Ms Jacqueline Katona from the Danila Dilba Health
Service told the committee that members of the stolen generation are at a
distinct legal disadvantage:
The legal system can provide no solution to their problems. It
is an unjust process, because without adequate documentation—documentation
which one would expect had to be kept by the state—it is impossible to bring a
successful litigation to recompense for their experiences.[35]
3.38
Dr Thalia Anthony noted some other barriers to success in litigation
which would make the Bill's proposed compensation scheme a far preferable
alternative:
Aside from the compensatory aspect, there are many claims that
do not have a legal basis or clear causation. There are many cases that will
not be able to prove a breach of statutory duty, breach of duties of care,
fiduciary duties, trespass to the body or trespass to land. For these victims,
the ex gratia payments that the bill recommends are highly appropriate. The
reparations fund should therefore seek to address through its ex gratia
payments the wrongfulness of the policies, but it should also consider a
compensatory mechanism that looks at the loss accrued by individual victims. It
should also consider how it would compensate the unlawful nature of some of
these policies.[36]
3.39
At the Sydney hearing, Dr Saul noted that by incorporating this
individualised assessment process in the Bill's proposed compensation model, it
would also provide 'an incentive for claimants to opt out of continuing on the
common-law route' and proceed through a more conciliatory process. This is
because 'effectively you are duplicating common-law bases of liability in a
tribunal but subject to much less stringent legal standards and procedures'.[37]
3.40
Some witnesses pointed out that, if a compensation scheme were
established (and despite the clear obstacles in pursuing litigation), stolen
generation claims through the courts would continue, but only in exceptional
circumstances. As Dr Anthony explained:
I would like to say that litigation occurs
only in the most exceptional circumstances, where the loss is far greater than
what a statutory scheme could accommodate. We have seen that most recently with
the Trevorrow case. In the end it was a case of $520,000 damages being awarded,
and it shows the exceptional nature. I would think that the overwhelming
majority of cases would be far better served by a tribunal...I would see the
overwhelming majority taking the tribunal option but, where that is simply not
sufficient to compensate for their overwhelming loss, that avenue being made
available to them.[38]
3.41
Ms Anna Cody from the Kingsford Legal Centre supported this view:
(I)t is an exceedingly difficult route to follow to go down the
litigation path, and even to find out whether or not there is sufficient
evidence implies quite a lot of work in terms of lawyer work and client work. I
think it would be quite limited in terms of those who would continue to seek
redress in the courts. The other advantage is that many people may choose to go
via the tribunal because it allows them to appear before Indigenous decision
makers rather than other decision makers, and it would perhaps be a less formal
mechanism and allow them to tell their story in their own words rather than in
a more legally-constructed way, which is required in a court proceeding.[39]
Appropriate method and amount of compensation payment
3.42
Many submissions and witnesses provided specific comments on the ex
gratia payment mechanism and amount proposed by the Bill.
In-principle support for ex gratia
payments
3.43
The SCIL expressed the following general view about ex gratia payments:
On the one hand, an ex gratia payment is not the most
appropriate response to forced removals, since it carries no admission or
acceptance of legal liability for past wrongs. On the other hand, it is a
convenient device for circumventing the evidentiary and legal difficulties
involved in establishing specific legal liabilities in individual cases, which
would hinder compensation in many cases.[40]
3.44
Broadly speaking, the SCIL contended that compensation payments should
be commensurate to the harm suffered:
(A)ny scheme to compensate members of the stolen generation
must, at a minimum, provide for compensation to be awarded which responds to
the legal harm(s) suffered in individual cases of removal. This in turn
requires an individualised claims assessment process.[41]
3.45
Dr Saul from the SCIL expressed support for 'a lump-sum payment to
recognise the underlying legal and social wrongs which were done as a result of
child removals'. However, Dr Saul stressed that:
...any lump-sum payment should be supplemented by an
individualised assessment process to take the remedy beyond the mere fact of
recognising the taking of children to addressing the specific harms done in
particular cases, whether it be sexual abuse or other particular violations of
human rights.[42]
3.46
The Shoalcoast Community Legal Centre 'tentatively' supported the
application of a global common experience sum, 'as this may be preferable to
the complicated and inevitably subjective task of individually assessing the
appropriate quantum of payment that each applicant's particular life-story is
"worth"'. The common experience payment could be supplemented by an
additional sum for people who experienced physical or sexual assault as a
result of removal from their families.[43]
3.47
Reconciliation Victoria supported ex gratia payments and an additional
amount for each year of institutionalisation, providing these amounts are
negotiated with a wide range of Indigenous people.[44]
3.48
PIAC/AHRC argued that the amount of any individual monetary compensation
to the stolen generation should be nominal in order to maximise available
resources for broader reparations measures. As Associate Professor Andrea Durbach
explained:
What we argue is that there is a very specific experience
endemic to the stolen generations that impacts the Indigenous community overall
that needs to be addressed. Through the reparations tribunal model, on the one
hand we are saying you do need to serve, as Senator Bartlett's bill calls for,
compensation in a notional way, but what is more important is to serve the
collective harm of that community through allowing people to come before the reparations
tribunal to shape and design measures of reparation that go beyond individual
monetary compensation and actually address the collective and long-term needs
of that community. Whether it is through commemorative projects or education or
healing centres, that is for the community to design with that tribunal. We see
that as an opportunity to try to redress the bigger questions.[45]
Preference for 'no fault'
compensation scheme
3.49
Presenting a contrary position on the issue of ex gratia payments, the
Castan Centre for Human Rights Law endorsed the establishment of a 'no fault'
compensation scheme for the stolen generation (along the lines of other 'no
fault' schemes, such as Victoria's Transport Accident Scheme):
Obliging those who have suffered harm at the hands of past
governments to seek recompense through a court system that requires extensive
resources, patience, a mosaic of often unattainable evidence and immense
personal integrity for a chance of compensation is at odds with the
content of the sincere national apology by Parliament in February 2008. A 'no
fault' compensation scheme will help provide justice and a measure of
recognition more effectively than any other means possible and avoids the
further humiliation of Indigenous claimants trying and failing to obtain
justice through an adversarial legal process.
A 'no fault' compensation scheme, in contrast to a system of 'ex
gratia' payments, by necessity creates an obligation for the government to
compensate when an applicant meets the requisite criteria. 'Ex gratia' payments
are not satisfactory because they create no ongoing obligation to meet the
needs of the applicant.[46]
Adequacy of compensation amounts
3.50
While some submissions and witnesses considered that the Bill's proposed
compensation amounts are reasonable and appropriate to recognise the
wrongfulness of removal of Indigenous children from their families,[47]
the majority of submissions and witnesses who commented on this issue argued
that the compensation amounts in the Bill are vastly inadequate.[48]
Trevorrow case – a benchmark?
3.51
The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Legal Service (Qld South) recognised
that it is difficult to determine fair amounts of compensation:
While it is true that no amount of money can compensate for the
injury these people have suffered, the law does attempt to determine a fair and
realistic amount. The Courts do this when determining "common law"
claims and legislatures do this in setting a scale of compensation in workers
compensation legislation. For this reason the 2007 South Australian Supreme
Court decision of Trevorrow is instructive. While we do not suggest that that
quantum is to be the level of compensation in the Bill, it sets a benchmark.[49]
3.52
Others also drew comparisons with the Trevorrow case in South Australia:
There has been legal recognition that the circumstances that Bruce
Trevorrow had lived through were compensable and in fact compensable to the
value that they were, so to now consider the amount reflected in the current
draft bill would in fact cause more pain, I think. It would be a dismissal.[50]
3.53
The Victorian Aboriginal Child Care Agency also made a salient point in
this regard, noting that the proposed compensation amounts in the Bill fall far
short of the amount awarded to Mr Trevorrow:
The Senate or the architects of the Bill need to make clear
their rationale for arriving at the sum being proposed, particularly how the
amount referred to in the Bill can be reconciled with the level of compensation
offered by a Court that is likely to have stricter and higher standards of
proof and evidence.[51]
Challenges in determining
appropriate compensation amounts
3.54
HREOC's submission noted the difficulty in attempting to place a
monetary value on the grief and suffering experienced by members of the stolen
generation. It provided no view on the appropriateness of the amount proposed
in the Bill 'on the basis that this amount should be determined in consultation
with Stolen Generations members and their organisations'.[52]
However, HREOC noted that the common experience amount of $20,000 proposed in
the Bill is 'modest' compared to existing redress schemes in various states
relating to, for example, individuals who were abused while in state care.[53]
3.55
At the Sydney hearing, Mr Darren Dick from HREOC reiterated that
payments of $20,000 under a national compensation scheme would not represent a
'substantial' financial undertaking by government[54]
but that such payments would serve an important purpose:
A minimum payment gives people access to justice at the end of
the day. It ensures that people will receive some sort of recompense for and
acknowledgement of their experience. That enables them to do something. It does
not necessarily change their life, because it is not a windfall as such. In
this bill, you are talking about $20,000. That is the sort of amount with which
a family that has been reunited can go on a holiday together or a range of
other things, so it can make a practical difference in people's lives.
Otherwise, you enter into a very difficult evidentiary situation where there
are a range of different criteria as to why someone is entitled to this or
that. Part of the bill talks about how many years you were institutionalised
for and so on. We think that a much simpler model is to say: 'We acknowledge
that what happened was wrong. It wasn't fair what happened to you. Here’s a
payment that basically acknowledges that experience.'[55]
3.56
The Danila Dilba Health Service put forward compensation amounts based
on the value of a family home in today's market as it considered that this
'fairly represents the economic legacy that people are struggling to achieve
these days'.[56]
3.57
Mrs Kathleen Mills from Northern Territory Stolen Generations Aboriginal
Corporation cautioned against establishing speculative amounts of compensation:
I am asking that no less is considered than our entitlement
because of the harm and crimes against humanity. I think that has to be the
measure, not anybody speculating about a figure. It has to be based on common
experience, which is a thread from the apology day...There is no doubt that it
happened, and I think we have to move on. If there are more serious
allegations, they should go to the tribunal, but let us stand up and recognise
the harm, hurt and trauma that these people have suffered all their years. We
are talking about people in their nineties, not their eighties, still waiting
for some sort of justice and some recognition—and we have only just got
recognition through the apology.
It has to be looked at properly, with nothing less than the
requirements, because compensation is a legal requirement of any nation in the
world. It is legal, but it has to be proper and researched. You have to look at
all the victims' files—at the harm and the hurt—and whatever it takes to
deliberate and make an appropriate submission to the people. It has to be done
properly, not just with people plucking out a figure they think might suffice.[57]
3.58
However, Mrs Mills recognised the difficulties in determining
appropriate amounts of compensation:
How do you pay for people's loss? How can you
put a figure to it? I cannot, but I think we have to be compassionate and we
have to really research it and make proper amends to these people. It will
never replace the hurt and the harm. All this today is regenerating the trauma
that has been oppressed for years and years, but let us try and come together
as a nation, realise what has happened and be kinder to one another. I do not
like the fact that we have to prove once more without the evidence that we need
to prove. There is nothing. People got new names when they came here. How do
they look back on their files when they are not there?[58]
3.59
The ACT Chief Minister also raised a pertinent point regarding the basis
on which the compensation amounts in the Bill were developed. While noting that
the amounts are consistent with the levels of payments under the Tasmanian
scheme, he submitted that:
It would be helpful to understand on what basis the compensation
figure was developed (noting for example similar schemes in other states
relating to compensation for abuse in care). This monetary compensation
evaluation may be problematic given that it is limited to one component which
will account for racial discrimination, pain and suffering, abuse, disruption
of family life, labour exploitation, economic loss, etc and payment of each
year of institutionalisation. The ex gratia compensation is at the discretion
of the Government (subject to parliamentary authorisation of appropriations)
and presumably once this scheme is accessed, no further claims can be
maintained, eg via the legal system. Some people are likely to feel they could
achieve a better result via the court system, especially given the SA case, and
it is assumed this avenue would remain an option.[59]
Appropriate recipients of compensation
3.60
Several witnesses informed the committee that the forced removal
policies have had an impact on multiple generations of Indigenous people.
3.61
At the Darwin hearing, Ms Cynthia Sariago from the Northern Territory
Stolen Generations Aboriginal Corporation explained that there are stolen
generation 'tiers':
You have, firstly, the mothers of those removed. Then you have
the children who were removed. Compensation is very important to these people
because they are elders. No service that you can give to them today is going to
be adequate, because they are old. For them to enjoy themselves and to do what
they would like, I think the monetary compensation is very important. Then you
come to the institutionalised children, who were placed in institutions after
parents gave up their children under duress. There should be some sort of
monetary compensation for them. Then you have children like me, who were placed
into the foster care system of homes, which has had intergenerational effects
which have been handed down to our children.[60]
3.62
Ms Sariago argued that elderly members of the stolen generation must be
given priority in any payment of compensation:
I think we should be giving them some sort of comfort in their
later years—whether it be...$1 million per head or $450,000 per head. It all depends.
I think there should be a fund set up where we are giving priority to our
elders and then looking at the other issues that we need to deal with.[61]
3.63
Ms Sariago told the committee that all of these generations should be
compensated:
I have children who are now suffering the intergenerational
effects of the stolen generations. Drug abuse is rife. Who is going to help
them? We have children in jail who should not be there. Why? Because they are
part of the stolen generation and they are Aboriginal. Look at the problem and
solve it in realistic ways, but compensation must be prioritised to our first
generation—and to the deceased as well.[62]
3.64
At the Sydney hearing, Ms Sandra Newham from the New South Wales Sorry
Day Committee also drew the committee's attention to the intergenerational
effects of the removal policies:
It is not as though we can deal with one generation by offering
some sort of compensation without looking at the ongoing effects for the
generations thereafter. Those of us who have been fortunate enough to have
families, to have parents and siblings, understand that much of what we have
been taught and learnt has come from having that background. But, if we are
talking about stolen generation members, who were institutionalised or in
foster or adoptive homes, where did they learn to be parents? Where did they
learn to interact with siblings, if they were separated from their siblings?
That is important. As mentioned in the Bringing them home report, the
transgenerational effects of the removal policies must be recognised and
addressed.[63]
3.65
Ms Helen Moran from the National Sorry Day Committee spoke about the
special needs of the stolen generations, as distinct from the needs of the
broader Indigenous population:
Children have been taken away under the forced removal policy
for 100 years. We are looking at some eight generations. The transgenerational
or intergenerational effect of this on the whole of Indigenous Australia needs
to go to the beginning of this whole thing. It has brought about a degree of the
dysfunction that we are dealing with in Aboriginal Australia. The stolen
generation has a specific need that is separate from the additional needs that
need to be addressed for the wider Aboriginal population. The stolen generation
can be embraced by closing the gap and attending to some of their needs—closing
the gap and embracing what is necessary for the healing of the stolen
generation.[64]
3.66
With particular reference to the Bill, some submissions raised a
pertinent point about its focus on 'institutionalisation' as a condition
precedent to payment of additional compensation. They argued that the term
'institutionalisation' is too narrow and could exclude consideration of those
who were adopted or fostered out (or otherwise removed).[65]
Importance of holistic reparations measures
3.67
Many submissions and witnesses stressed the importance of a holistic
approach to reparation for the stolen generation, over and above any payment of
compensation. However, these submissions and witnesses were adamant that
practical initiatives aimed at the wider Indigenous community do not adequately
address the specific needs of members of the stolen generation.
Non-monetary reparations
3.68
At the Sydney hearing, Associate Processor Andrea Durbach from the AHRC told
the committee that the Bill only addresses one component of the measures of
reparation and, in doing so:
...retreats significantly from the commitment clearly articulated
by the Senate committee in its 2000 report...(W)e argue that a failure to
implement that commitment by way of establishing a stolen generations
reparations tribunal ignores Australia's obligations to repair the enduring
social, cultural and economic damage particularly endemic to the stolen
generations experience. In failing to honour that commitment, it also suspends
and accordingly prolongs the critical healing of stolen generations communities
and undermines any real prospect of effective reconciliation. It would also
continue to ignore key recommendations of the Bringing them home report
and, instead, potentially would create a piecemeal, sporadic and short-term
administrative mechanism of redress, as opposed to a more comprehensive and
considered long-term strategy of reparations based on principles of
rehabilitation, restitution and guarantees against repetition. It would also
fail, in our view, to target the range of expressed and distinctive needs of
the stolen generations both structurally, in terms of process, and
substantively, in terms of its content.[66]
3.69
Ms Helen Moran from the National Sorry Day Committee stressed the
importance of non-monetary reparation:
It is our view that those aspects of the bill involving
non-monetary compensation must be given attention prior to the consideration of
monetary compensation, as the former will enhance the latter. Taking the name
of the bill, for example, the term 'compensation' is, for many people, about
money first when in fact the rehabilitative and restitutional aspects of
reparations are key, and we would encourage this inquiry to consider this point
and include 'reparations' in the name of the bill.[67]
3.70
The committee also heard that there are members of the stolen generation
who consider that wider services are of greater importance than any payment of
compensation. For example, Mr Jim Morrison from the Bringing Them Home
Committee (WA) told the committee that:
We have had members of the stolen generations say to us, 'The
apology is enough for me; I can get on with my life.' So there are people out
there who are not interested in the dollars, but there are people out there who
are interested in services working closer together to provide better services
for Aboriginal people who are disadvantaged. We welcome the bipartisanship. We
also think that service providers and governments should be working closer
together. So compensation is not a No. 1 priority for a lot of Aboriginal
people who were removed, but certainly better services are.[68]
3.71
PIAC stressed the importance of a holistic approach in the development
of reparations strategies for the stolen generation. While acknowledging that
an award of appropriate monetary redress would offer recognition of the gravity
of harm suffered by members of the stolen generation (as well as some immediate
and possibly future financial support), PIAC also asserted that:
...it is critical that a mechanism distinctly shaped by the needs
of the Stolen Generations is put in place to service the dual objectives of
redressing past harm and creating measures of reparation that offer enduring
social, cultural and economic benefits to those affected.[69]
3.72
Associate Professor Durbach from the AHRC elaborated on the importance
of a holistic approach:
Certainly in the national consultations with members of the
stolen generations, which are encapsulated in a lot of the reports,
particularly the PIAC report called Moving forward—achieving reparations,
there was exactly that consensus that monetary compensation was a significant
and important contribution to make. But I think people felt that overall what
they were seeking was an acknowledgment of the long-term harm of this
experience and that that should be recognised beyond just money. Some members
of the stolen generations felt that the provision of money would be divisive,
that you can never compensate that kind of harm, which is why we shifted our
approach to a more collective and enduring strategy which would allow for
people to come before a tribunal to create measures of reparation which they
felt really addressed their specific needs.
...I think there was a desire absolutely that monetary
compensation, as the van Boven principle suggests, is one important and
significant aspect of reparations, but it does not deal with the whole picture
and in fact it falls quite short of dealing with what Indigenous concerns were,
certainly through our consultation process.[70]
3.73
Reconciliation Victoria also noted that monetary compensation is not
sufficient on its own:
Monetary compensation is a necessary step towards acknowledging
and redressing past injustice. It is not the only step. Systemic injustices
require systemic solutions, and while individuals have a right to compensation
for individual wrongs, as a society we must find ways to heal the social
problems created by these injustices. The recommendations of the 1997 Bringing
Them Home report provide a good framework for such healing and Reconciliation
Victoria urges the committee to look at ways that all 54 of these
recommendations can be implemented as a matter of urgency.[71]
3.74
The National Sorry Day Committee agreed that compensation, while vital,
is only one aspect of reparations. It argued that all components of
reparations, as set out in the Bringing them home report, are
'inextricably linked, and all are required if there is to be an effective model
of healing' for those affected by the forcible separation policies. Further,
all the recommendations in the Bringing them home report, 'need to be
implemented, fully and holistically and with attention to additional needs
identified over the past decade'.[72]
3.75
The SCIL also asserted that there is a need for wider reparations initiatives
and suggested a number of possible measures that might be considered, including:
- a national body to implement 'healing' initiatives, perhaps
modelled on the Aboriginal Healing Foundation established by the Canadian
Government;
- funded programs to support family reunions in each state and
territory; and
- a mechanism that empowers Indigenous people to air their
grievances and helps play a role in moving forward, possibly based on the Truth
and Reconciliation Commissions in South Africa.[73]
3.76
The Ngarrindjeri Regional Authority submitted a similar idea for an
Aboriginal healing body:
The Commonwealth [should] create a not for profit institution
called the 'Stolen Generations of Aboriginal Children Healing Foundation'...to
support the objective of addressing the healing needs of Aboriginal People
affected by the Stolen Generations of Aboriginal Children, including the
intergenerational impacts, by supporting holistic and community-based healing
to address needs of individuals, families and communities.[74]
3.77
The Telethon Institute for Child Health Research (TICHR) also strongly
supported the formation of a healing foundation, possibly based on the Canadian
model:
We believe this Inquiry should closely examine the Government of
Canada's "Aboriginal Healing Foundation" (AHF) model. A significant
investment in the creation and on-going support of Indigenous healing centres
and other community initiated activities to promote wellness, could create a
restorative vision for the Aboriginal peoples in Australia. As such, we strongly
recommend establishing a Healing Foundation for Indigenous Australians. It
would strengthen the Australian and State Government's existing commitments to
working in partnership with Aboriginal people and communities in overcoming
Indigenous disadvantage.[75]
3.78
According to the TICHR, a healing foundation should support an extensive
range of community healing and wellness activities, including:
- men's and women's support and healing groups;
- youth-elder community workshops and conferences;
- practical support of traditional ceremony and cultural business;
- traditional healing;
- individual counselling;
- youth leadership programs;
- family counselling;
- parenting and nutrition education; and
- supported residential options for young people.[76]
3.79
The TICHR provided the committee with a helpful explanation of the
Canadian Aboriginal Healing Foundation:
The AHF [Aboriginal Healing Foundation] was established in 1998
with an allocation of $350 million to be expended within a 10 year time frame.
This was established as a result of "Gathering Strength – Canada's
Aboriginal Action Plan", a federal strategy to renew the relationship
between Aboriginal people and the Government of Canada. The Foundation is an
Aboriginal-run, not-for-profit organisation funding community healing projects.
Its mission is "...to encourage and support Aboriginal people in building
and reinforcing sustainable healing processes that address the legacy of
physical and sexual abuse in the residential school system, including
inter-generational impacts"...The Foundation was given a year to set-up; 4
years to disburse the $350 million healing fund on a multi-year basis, and 5
years to monitor and evaluate the projects.[77]
3.80
Further, TICHR suggested that the findings from evaluations of the
Canadian Aboriginal community healing initiatives are particularly instructive:
The experience from Canada has shown that an average of ten
years is required for a community to reach out, dismantle denial, create safety
and engage participants in therapeutic healing. The Australian evidence
confirms that a long term commitment is required to address the intergeneration
effects of forced separation and relocation. Therefore, it is imperative that a
Healing Foundation create a long term vision and establish short, medium and
long term objectives.[78]
Broad initiatives no substitute for
specific reparations for the stolen generation
3.81
Some witnesses were critical of the Federal Government's continued emphasis
on providing practical initiatives to overcome Indigenous disadvantage in a
general sense, rather than treating the issue of reparation for the stolen
generation separately and specifically.
3.82
For example, at the Sydney hearing, Mr Darren Dick conveyed HREOC's
regret at the Federal Government's position on the issue of compensation for
the stolen generation – namely that, 'rather than establishing a compensation
tribunal for the stolen generations, it should divert funds to what it has
called more practical measures of wellbeing, such as improving access to health
[services] and education'.[79]
In HREOC's view, since the Federal Government has an obligation to ensure basic
services and opportunities for all of its citizens (whether Indigenous or not),
the provision of such services should not be regarded as an alternative option
to compensation.[80]
3.83
Mr Dick articulated the importance of establishing particular reparations
measures for the stolen generation:
Reparations for the stolen generations are not meant to redress
a lack of services in Indigenous communities. Their purpose is to meaningfully
acknowledge that the removal of children from their families and communities
was an abuse of human rights and to provide a range of redress options,
including financial compensation. HREOC believes that the framework proposed by
the bill before the committee today represents an opportunity for the
government to address the unfinished business of the Bringing them home report.
For that reason, the commission’s written submission supports the bill. In
particular, HREOC welcomes the recognition of culturally appropriate mechanisms
within the working of the proposed tribunal and the mandated involvement of
Indigenous people in service delivery. However, on issues regarding the
specific quantum of damages to be awarded, HREOC in its submission has urged
that there be consultations with stolen generations organisations to determine
the appropriateness of that.[81]
3.84
Ms Laura Thomas from PIAC concurred with this view:
(T)he stolen generations have to be seen separately and the
experience that they have had has to be seen separately from Indigenous
disadvantage broadly. So this is about justice—providing reparation for the
harm that they suffered—and also, because reparation packages are designed to
fulfil people's needs, which could be health and counselling, there is an
element to which that might satisfy the provisions of services which we would
otherwise be wanting to provide to all Australians, including Indigenous
Australians. Beyond that, we would say that the Closing the Gap initiative and
those types of initiatives to do with health and education go to Indigenous
people's human rights. That is completely separate to the stolen generations'
issue, in my view. I would add that I think that it is a false assumption to
say, 'If we provide compensation or reparations to the stolen generations, that
money has to be taken away from providing services to Indigenous people more
broadly.'[82]
3.85
At the Darwin hearing, Ms Cynthia Sariago from the Northern Territory
Stolen Generations Aboriginal Corporation emphasised the importance of providing
services specifically for the stolen generation:
Services that are badly needed on the ground can be run by
stolen generation organisations for the healing of stolen generation people. We
have just acquired the Link-Up program in the Top End, but we are still stuck
with guidelines. We need to have more funding put into our organisations, which
will deal with stolen generation people on a day-to-day basis. But, because we
have to follow the criteria of the government, we need to have a healing house;
we need to have a resource centre; we need to have these programs all set up
and in place to help with what is happening today: suicides, drug abuse and
everything. Eighty per cent of the Indigenous population in the Darwin urban
area is made up of stolen generation families, and 80 per cent of them need the
help.[83]
3.86
Ms Jacqueline Baxter and Mrs Zita Wallace from the Central Australian
Stolen Generations and Families Aboriginal Corporation shared this view. They
explained that, while government funding is provided for stolen generation
programs, the funding is not directed specifically to members of the stolen
generation themselves:
There are organisations that are funded for stolen generation
programs. They are grossly underfunded and, because they come under the health
system and the money was allocated 10 years ago through the health system, we
need to account for the health guidelines, and we do not fit into criteria. For
the last six years I have been attending Link-Up meetings, and I am the only
person who is not in the health field. When I present questions nobody
understands what I am talking about, and they are legitimate questions. They
have to deal with me separately on the side. So we are clearly not in the right
source of funding to start with.
...
...unknown38unknown1Of
all the money that has been allocated over the years—$63 million et cetera—none
has come directly to the stolen generation people or to any of our corporations
or anything. All of it has gone into Link-Up and health. So we have not
benefited in any way from that funding.[84]
3.87
However, Mrs Wallace made a significant point regarding the
appropriateness and usefulness of services for elderly members of the stolen
generation. She argued that 'monetary compensation would benefit them because
it would assist them personally and it would assist them to help their
children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren'. She also noted the importance
of giving Indigenous elders 'some kind of comfort in their old age' and
stressed that the elders should be 'dealt with first' before then turning
attention to services and compensation for others 'who have more time'.[85]
Relevant international and domestic models
3.88
The committee received evidence regarding certain compensation scheme
models and proposals which might be usefully considered in the development of
any federal compensation scheme for the stolen generation.
Canadian Indian Residential Schools
compensation scheme
3.89
Some submissions and witnesses pointed to the Canadian Indian Residential
Schools compensation scheme as an example of an international model which Australia
might look to for guidance in establishing compensation for the stolen
generation.[86]
The Canadian model is a negotiated settlement that provides reparations for
former residents of the 'Indian Residential Schools' system, who were forcibly
removed from their homes by church and government officials and, in many cases,
were subjected to severe neglect or abuse.
3.90
Under the 2006 Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement,
approximately 6,000 former residential school students will receive, on average,
$28,000 each in compensation, including $8,000 as an advance payment.[87]
A total of over three billion Canadian dollars has been made available under
this agreement for a variety of reparations measures.[88]
3.91
In its submission to the committee, FaHCSIA suggested that the Canadian
experience of making lump sum payments to Aboriginal communities may inform
consideration of any compensation payment to the stolen generation in Australia.[89]
3.92
FaHCSIA noted that a project undertaken by the Canadian Aboriginal
Healing Foundation to assess the impact of compensation payments made under the
settlement agreement found that many recipients used the payments to help out
family, purchase needed items, clear up debts and to invest. However, on the negative
side, payments in a number of cases led to increases in drug and alcohol abuse,
pressure from family for money and encroachment by financial predators. The
project also found that payments triggered negative residential school memories
for survivors.[90]
3.93
FaHCSIA also noted that the Canadian study determined that the failure
to implement other measures to reform healing, reframe health, reinforce safety
and security, reverse crises, and realign capacity had contributed to
compensation payments aggravating the personal circumstances of some people.[91]
3.94
However, not all the evidence received by the committee supported
utilising the Canadian system as a model. The Shoalcoast Community Legal Centre
warned that the Canadian compensation system may not be the most appropriate
model upon which Australia should base its own system. Despite many similar
factors, Australia's history differs substantially from the situation in Canada
because, in Australia, Indigenous children were subject to many different
removals policies which differed in time and between jurisdictions.[92]
PIAC's proposal for a stolen
generations reparations tribunal
3.95
Since 1997, PIAC has put forward a model for a stolen generations
reparations tribunal.[93]
At the Sydney hearing, Associate Professor Anna Durbach from the AHRC explained
to the committee how the PIAC model was developed:
[The] model tribunal was developed by reference to two
significant and authoritative sources: firstly, international guidelines and
principles on the right to reparations for victims of gross violations of human
rights—the so-called van Boven principles—which declared that every state has a
duty to adopt special measures to permit expeditious and fully effective
reparations, particularly where the violation of human rights includes
systematic discrimination and forcible transfer of populations; and secondly,
the tribunal model was shaped via a national consultation process, which PIAC
undertook over several months, consulting with over 150 members of the stolen
generations, representatives from Indigenous communities and every stolen
generations organisation across the country. PIAC also received 40 written
submissions.[94]
3.96
In its joint submission, PIAC/AHRC informed the committee that PIAC's proposal
for a stolen generation reparations tribunal sought to achieve 'the
implementation of a holistic and enduring resolution...designed in accordance
with the needs of potential claimants and the principles of participation and
self-determination'.[95]
A key aspect of the formulation of the proposal was to ensure that members of
the stolen generation have an active role in shaping the nature and content of
reparations processes and outcomes.[96]
3.97
In addition to the potential benefits for members of the stolen generation,
PIAC/AHRC advised that the PIAC model also offered significant benefits for governments,
including:
- access by those harmed by removal policies to an agreed form of
compensation;
-
the existence of a scheme for financing a range of reparations
measures;
- the possible containment of litigation, creating finality and
certainty for governments and those affected by forcible removal policies; and
- an effective mechanism for providing social justice for
Indigenous people.[97]
3.98
PIAC/AHRC submitted its own proposed bill for the committee's
consideration, as an alternative to Senator Bartlett's Bill.[98]
This bill embodied PIAC's reparations tribunal model in legislative form.[99]
In a supplementary submission, PIAC/AHRC also presented its bill in the form of
amendments to Senator Bartlett's Bill which would have the effect of 'converting'
the Bill to the bill proposed by PIAC/AHRC.[100]
The committee thanks PIAC/AHRC for its comprehensive work in developing a reparations
tribunal model and an associated legal framework.
Tasmanian stolen generation
compensation scheme
3.99
Reconciliation Australia noted that the Tasmanian Government's
compensation scheme would provide a useful framework for other states to
consider.[101]
3.100
The Stolen Generations Alliance submitted that the Tasmanian scheme
appears to have worked well and could be adapted for use in other states.
Importantly, the Stolen Generations Alliance also noted that 'for many of those
who have received compensation under the Tasmanian scheme the formal
acknowledgement of harm and of a failure of a duty of care by the government
and other authorities was as powerful and as healing as the money itself'.[102]
3.101
Mr Rodney Dillon from the National Sorry Day Committee also pointed to
the Tasmanian scheme as an example that might be looked at by other states.
However, in his view, it is the Federal Government which has ultimate
responsibility in this area:
It would be good if other states looked at [the Tasmanian
scheme], but I think this is a national thing and it needs to go back to being
a Commonwealth government matter rather than a state matter. I think it needs
to have a national line of consistency across all states, rather than one state
offering $20,000 and the other offering $30,000. There needs to be a level
playing field here for everyone. We can learn from some of the things that
happened in Tasmania. In Tasmania, some of the people who missed out on it were
some of the people who were most in need of it—for example, people who were in
institutions. The state government has picked up on that. So, although it was a
negative to start with, I think it has become a positive and it has been seen
that there are other people who have missed out. They are things that we need
to learn from.
We need to look at how to include all the people who have been
involved. We need a national line that the Commonwealth has set up and the
states should abide by. I have a worry in that, once the states pay the
compensation, will they wipe their hands and say, 'That’s the end of it,' or
will there be more back-up in trying to get people back home to their country?
Is the compensation there to cover everything, or is it there just to cover the
wrong that was done and then we will have to look at how we address the people
who have all the problems that come from the stolen generation? They are the
points that are important to me and that I think should be important to the
Commonwealth government and state governments to look at to go forward.[103]
Jurisdictional issues
3.102
Submissions and witnesses generally agreed that a nationally consistent and
holistic approach to reparation measures for the stolen generation is
preferable, and that it is appropriate for the Federal Government to take the
lead on this issue.
Nationally consistent approach
3.103
The Shoalcoast Community Legal Centre submitted that '(i)f it is
possible and practicable to establish a single nationwide system for
reparations for the Stolen Generations, eradicating the need to lobby and
convince the States and Territories to separately establish parallel schemes,
then this is obviously a desirable route to take'.[104]
3.104
Reconciliation Australia submitted that the Federal Government should
work with state governments to reach agreement on compensation being made
available by them, with the Commonwealth taking responsibility for the Northern
Territory.[105]
3.105
HREOC stressed the importance of a nationally consistent approach to the
issue of compensation:
At present, there are variations between States and Territories
as to whether ex gratia payments are available, in what circumstances, and as
to the level of payments. Some Stolen Generations members will be able to claim
under existing schemes, but others can not. The limits of existing approaches
mean that access to schemes can appear arbitrary for Stolen Generations
members, with some aspects of their life experiences being recognised as
compensable and other experiences not.[106]
3.106
Dr Ian Robinson from the Bringing Them Home Committee (WA) stated that
his organisation 'would be very keen to see the Commonwealth apply their powers
to standardising, regularising and bringing [the states] up to speed' on the
compensation issue.[107]
3.107
HREOC suggested that the Commonwealth should engage with state and
territory governments through the Council of Australian Governments (COAG) in
order to develop a consistent approach:
(A) cooperative, whole of government approach should be taken in
implementing any future reparation measures; existing compensation schemes for
both Indigenous and non-Indigenous people who have been subject to abuse in
care, control on wages, or forcible removal have so far been initiated in some
states. In HREOC's view, it is essential that any future scheme should be
cooperatively funded through COAG, through different governments, to ensure
consistency across state and territory jurisdictions. Such an approach would
also recognise the responsibility of state governments for the past removal of
children in their jurisdictions.[108]
3.108
More broadly, HREOC noted that:
(T)he fact that you are entitled to compensation or you are not
really should not depend on your residence; it should not depend on the
particular state where you reside. There should be some overriding principle of
justice such as the fact that you are removed provides you with an equal
entitlement no matter where you live. It is about a cooperative arrangement to
ensure that that happens, otherwise you will end up with injustice happening.[109]
3.109
HREOC was supportive of the Bill as a whole. In HREOC's view, the Bill provides
an appropriate framework for taking forward the issue of compensation:
What we are ultimately suggesting is that the bill pass and a
secretariat be established, funded by the Commonwealth. States would then be
asked or would agree to fund any liability that comes up in their jurisdictions
as a result of application of their laws. In terms of the Commonwealth's
responsibility in the Northern Territory, it is worth noting that there are
some Commonwealth responsibilities in the ACT as well. Picking up the Northern
Territory would not cover all the former federal responsibilities.
...
unknown43unknown1You
could take legal advice as to what the best way to do it is and on whether
establishing a federal scheme through federal legislation would require mirror
legislation at the state level or whether it could be done on some cooperative
arrangement under which the states contribute funding on the basis of the
findings of the panel that is established under the federal scheme.[110]
3.110
HREOC also emphasised the importance of immediate action:
Our major concern—and this has been expressed by others as
well—is that the people who this affects are on the whole quite elderly now.
The lack of resolution continues to have quite a significant impact on them.
The necessity is there for there to be a speedy resolution. Our position is
very much a pragmatic one. We have long supported the PIAC model, but we do not
want to lose the opportunity presented by this bill, which has very positive
features to it and is before the parliament now.[111]
3.111
The SCIL agreed that a national and holistic approach is necessary:
A Federal-State reparations system that is funded by all levels
of government and covers all Indigenous children forcibly removed would be the
most effective model for addressing the broad loss to the Stolen Generations in
a holistic and well-resourced manner. The consistency of the Stolen Generations
policies and ramifications across Australian jurisdictions warrants a grand
response to this national tragedy.
In addition, churches should be required (or encouraged) to
contribute to this Fund to recognise their joint-wrongfulness in many cases.[112]
Relevance of other existing state
compensation schemes
3.112
Several submissions raised concerns that the Bill does not acknowledge
differing provisions in state-based compensation schemes. For example, the
Bringing Them Home Committee (WA) and the Uniting Church in Australia, Synod of
Western Australia submitted that Redress WA (relating to incidents of abuse
while in state care) should not prevent eligible people from also applying for
compensation under the Bill for removal from their families.[113]
3.113
The Premier of Western Australia submitted that members of the Western
Australian stolen generation who have been compensated for child abuse in state
care under the Redress WA should remain eligible for consideration and
compensation under any Commonwealth scheme:
It would be unfair for a person who has already received a
payment under a State regime such as the Redress WA scheme (because it was the
only scheme existing at the time) to be ineligible for a payment under the
Commonwealth regime where that payment was higher, because the Commonwealth
scheme was not available at the time the State application was lodged or paid.
It is suggested that the legislation be amended to give people who have already
received a payment from State/Territory compensation regimes the opportunity to
apply for the difference in amounts from the Commonwealth.[114]
3.114
Similarly, the Shoalcoast Community Legal Centre and the Castan Centre
for Human Rights Law stressed the importance of clarifying that successful
claims under state compensation schemes in New South Wales and Queensland for
'stolen wages', or under more general state-based schemes (such as the New South
Wales victims' compensation scheme), would not preclude people from making claims
under a compensation scheme established specifically for the stolen generation.[115]
Commonwealth responsibility for the
Northern Territory
3.115
Some witnesses had a different perspective on the issue of
jurisdictional responsibility, arguing that the Commonwealth should only have
direct responsibility for providing compensation to members of the stolen
generation in the Northern Territory.
3.116
For example, Ms Jacqueline Katona from the Danila Dilba Health Service told
the committee that the Commonwealth Government 'is the only government which is
liable to pay compensation to Aboriginal people removed in the Northern
Territory'.[116]
In this context, Ms Katona was critical of the Northern Territory Government
for not doing enough to assist members of the stolen generation in the
territory:
The Northern Territory government have presented a number of
obstacles, in fact, to the stolen generation in the Northern Territory. They
are prepared, in some senses, to provide resources for these people as
citizens, but the Northern Territory government will pick and choose the types
of resources, where they see themselves to be relieved of any liability in
relation to the Commonwealth government's actions of removal. In fact, they
will not support any programs that are specifically identified for members of
the stolen generation.[117]
3.117
The Croker Island Stolen Generation Group also shared this view. Ms Toni
Ah-Sam argued that under a federal compensation scheme, compensation would
only be payable to stolen generation members in the Northern Territory:
We are saying that under a federal act of compensation for the
stolen generation there is only one clearly identifiable group, aside from the
ACT—the details of which I am unaware—that would come under the federal
jurisdiction. This refers to the legal forcible removal of children and the
responsibility that these children came under. The clear legal message that we
are trying to bring today is that not everybody was under the jurisdiction of
the Commonwealth government when these acts were enacted. Other states took on
their own versions and enacted their own acts within their individual
parliaments to then remove children and establish welfare after that...
What we are focusing on here is that the Northern Territory is
such a unique case. We were clearly the responsibility of the Commonwealth
government. Hence, the Commonwealth government needs to take that next step,
after showing leadership by apologising. We acknowledge that. We also
acknowledge that the Howard government allocated $63 million to deal with some
of the recommendations of the Bringing them home inquiry, but at the end
of the day it is about reparations, compensation and bringing closure. We have
old people who are dying at such a high rate and to settle this would mean
closure for them. It would mean closure for all of us.[118]
3.118
As a result, Ms Ah-Sam noted that compensation would only be payable to
a small group of people:
The amount...is a pure, utter drop in the ocean...We feel that the
government can actually pay restitution to this group, whether or not this bill
can achieve it. What I am saying...is that there is room for this issue to be
resolved. This committee does not need to look at this particular ordinance
covering every single state. It only covers the territories, whether it be the
ACT or the Northern Territory. You are not paying restitution and compensation
to everybody. This is a very select, unique group of people that lived in an
area that came under the jurisdiction of the Commonwealth government.[119]
3.119
In its submission, FaHCSIA addressed directly the circumstances of the Northern
Territory, referring to the case of Cubillo and Gunner in which the
High Court found that 'there was no duty of care owed by the Commonwealth'.[120]
3.120
FaHCSIA submitted further that, in the event of any future claims, the
Commonwealth would respond in accordance with the Legal Services Directions
2005. The Legal Services Directions provide that the Commonwealth should:
- endeavour to avoid, prevent and limit the scope of legal
proceedings wherever possible, including by giving consideration in all cases
to alternative dispute resolution; and
- seek to settle monetary claims in accordance with legal principle
and practice.[121]
Committee view
3.121
The committee recognises that the vast majority of evidence received during
the inquiry supported the provision of monetary compensation to the stolen
generation; the committee is also mindful of strong arguments that monetary
compensation is only one component of reparations.
3.122
Accordingly, the committee considers that a holistic, nationally
consistent approach is the most appropriate means of addressing the specific
needs of members of the stolen generation and of actively promoting an effective
model of healing.
3.123
The committee notes the findings and recommendations of key reports,
such as the Bringing them home report, and urges that they be given proper
consideration, with a view to implementation at the earliest opportunity. In
this context, the committee acknowledges the Federal Government's recent establishment
of a working group consisting of stolen generation representatives from the
National Sorry Day Committee and the Stolen Generations Alliance. The committee
is of the view that this working group should also be charged with the
responsibility of monitoring recommendations of the Bringing them home
report, and providing advice to government on the implementation of outstanding
recommendations in that report by the end of 2008.
3.124
Many submissions and witnesses who expressed support for the Bill during
the course of the inquiry commented specifically on the viability of the Bill's
proposed compensation scheme. In many instances, those submissions and
witnesses provided suggestions as to how individual features of the scheme
might be amended in order to improve their practical operation and effect. The
committee acknowledges those efforts and expresses its gratitude for the work
undertaken.
3.125
Given some of the apparent difficulties in relation to various aspects
of the Bill's proposed compensation scheme, the committee is of the view that
the Bill, as currently drafted, should not proceed. However, the committee
regards the Bill as a useful starting point for future discussion on the issue
of reparations for members of the stolen generation, and as one of a number of
possible approaches to recognising the enormous trauma and hurt suffered by
them. For this reason, the committee does not express a view on the detail, nor
the merits, of the proposed compensation model itself. However, in stating
this, the committee does not wish to detract from the intent of the Bill in
acknowledging the harm endured by members of the stolen generation. The
committee commends Senator Bartlett for pursuing the issues of recognition and
reparations for the stolen generation, and wishes to expressly acknowledge his
initiative in introducing the Bill into Parliament.
3.126
The committee is also of the view that other compensation models, such
as the Canadian Indian Residential Schools scheme and PIAC's reparations tribunal
model, might provide valuable frameworks for consideration in the development
of any reparations scheme. In particular, the committee considers that a
national body to implement 'healing' initiatives, such as the Aboriginal
Healing Foundation established by the Canadian Government, might be usefully
established in the Australian context as part of a broad strategy of providing
redress. The committee believes that a National Indigenous Healing Fund should
be established as a priority, as an extension of the Federal Government's 'closing
the gap' initiative, comprising of services specifically directed to the stolen
generation.
3.127
The committee concludes that the issue of reparations for the stolen
generation needs to be addressed as a matter of urgency. This is particularly
important since, as the committee heard repeatedly during the course of the
inquiry, many members of the stolen generation are now elderly – to put it
bluntly, time is running out to recompense them. The committee considers that
governments are under an obligation to resolve this issue as a priority.
3.128
The committee regards the development of a cooperative,
whole-of-government approach to implementing reparation measures as highly
persuasive. As a way forward, the committee agrees that the Commonwealth should
engage with state and territory governments, through COAG, to establish a
cooperatively-funded national scheme that provides specific services and
assistance to surviving members of the stolen generation.
Recommendation 1
3.129
The committee recommends that the Bill not proceed in its current form.
Recommendation 2
3.130
The committee recommends that the Federal Government's stolen generation
working group (comprising of stolen generation representatives from the
National Sorry Day Committee and the Stolen Generations Alliance) be charged
with the responsibility of monitoring the implementation of the recommendations
of the Bringing them home report, and providing advice to government on
the implementation of outstanding recommendations of that report by the end of
2008.
Recommendation 3
3.131
The committee recommends that the Federal Government's 'closing the gap'
initiative be extended to establish a National Indigenous Healing Fund to provide
health, housing, ageing, funding for funerals, and other family support
services for members of the stolen generation as a matter of priority. The committee
recommends that the National Indigenous Healing Fund be incorporated within the
'closing the gap' initiative as an additional and discrete element of focus and
funding.
Recommendation 4
3.132
The committee recommends that the terms and conditions of the National Indigenous
Healing Fund be determined through the Council of Australian Governments (COAG),
and that its processes and practical application be decided after consultation
with the stolen generation working group (comprising of stolen generation
representatives from the National Sorry Day Committee and the Stolen
Generations Alliance).
Senator Trish Crossin
Committee Chair
Navigation: Previous Page | Contents | Next Page