Labor Senators' Dissenting Report
1.1
Unemployment is unacceptably high in many remote parts of the country
and for certain groups, including in particular Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander peoples.
1.2
Labor understands that remote jobseekers face unique challenges when
looking for work.
1.3
Labor believes that more can and should be done to support these
jobseekers into employment.
1.4
Labor believes the current arrangements can be improved to ensure a more
effective and timely compliance framework that meets the needs of providers,
communities and jobseekers.
1.5
Most importantly, Labor believes the system can be improved to give
remote jobseekers the best chance of finding and keeping work.
1.6
However, the Labor members of the Committee have significant concerns
about whether this Bill will achieve these aims.
1.7
Despite requests, the Government has been unable to address these
concerns.
1.8
As a consequence, the Labor Senators do not agree with the
recommendation of the majority.
Lack of consultation with communities and providers
2.1 Labor Senators are concerned that CDP providers,
communities and jobseekers have been given little to no opportunity to provide
meaningful input into the design and implementation of the scheme proposed in
the Bill.
2.2 The majority report of the Committee notes the
concerns of many stakeholders about the short timeframe for communities, CDP
providers and other interested parties to provide feedback on the proposed
reforms.
2.3 The Tiwi Islands Training and Employment Board is
owned and managed by the Tiwi Traditional Owners and provides the Community
Development Program on the Tiwi Islands. In its submission it stated:
The tabling of the Bill in December was the first time we
were made aware of the significant changes that are contained in the Bill. To
our knowledge, there has been no consultation with communities in our region
about these proposals... The introduction of the Bill immediately before the
holiday break and the very short time available to prepare submissions and have
them duly authorized does not in any way constitute any proper or bona fide
consultation. [1]
2.4 Evidence from Mr. Ben Burton, from Winun Ngari
Aboriginal Corporation, confirmed that despite many conversations with the
Minister for Indigenous Affairs and the Department of the Prime Minister and
Cabinet (PM&C), they had not seen details of the Bill.
What we have seen predominantly is what is being promoted
through the department, which is the five or six dot points regarding the
biggest changes.[2]
2.5 While the majority report recognises these concerns,
it accepts without question the evidence of PM&C that the Department is
confident that adequate consultation has taken place, despite overwhelming
evidence to the contrary.
2.6 PM&C’s own submission says that “initial consultations”
on the Bill took place at a meeting in Cairns on 16-17 February 2016 – the same
week as the Committee’s only public hearing, and some months after the Bill had
already been introduced into Parliament.
2.7 Labor Senators acknowledge and accept the evidence
from PM&C that meetings have taken place with CDP Providers on four
occasions beginning in March 2015.
2.8 Labor Senators note some of these meeting were held
prior to the implementation of the first stage of the new CDP scheme.
2.9 The supplementary submission from Jobs Australia
confirmed that the meeting in Cairns held on the 16-17 February 2016 was the
first to include ‘consultation’ on the agenda and was the only meeting of the
four referenced in the PM&C submission at which the Bill was discussed.[3]
2.10 Labor Senators concur with the assessment of
Tangentyere Council that:
If the Government wishes to make changes of the magnitude
proposed in the Bill, it is of the utmost importance that the people and
communities affected are properly engaged in the change process, something
which has not occurred.[4]
Breadth of Ministerial discretion
3.1 Labor Senators hold grave concerns about the breadth
of Ministerial discretion provided for in the Bill.
3.2 As outlined in the majority report, the Bill seeks to
divest a broad range of powers, which currently sit with the Parliament, to the
Minister for Indigenous Affairs.
3.3 The inquiry has revealed that core aspects of the new
CDP arrangements are simply not in the Bill. Rather, key details are left to
the discretion of the Minister.
3.4 Notably, the Bill does not limit the range of matters
the Minister may determine.[5]
3.5 Almost every submission to the Committee detailed
serious concerns with such broad ministerial discretion.
3.6 Dr Kirrily Jordon, Research Fellow with the Centre
for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research at Australian National University,
noted:
This Bill would give the Minister very wide scope to
determine the social security rules for all social security recipients in the
declared regions, and to vary those rules at any time. The list of matters that
could be dealt with in a determination is very broad... Moreover, this list is
non-exhaustive, meaning that while existing protections are swept aside it is
not at all clear how the new arrangements would work in practice nor whether
there would be sufficient protections against inappropriate obligations and
penalties.[6]
3.7 The Northern Land Council argued that the Bill would
provide the Minister with “unfettered power”.[7]
Lack of justification for broad
ministerial powers
3.8 Labor understands that the Government’s rationale for
these provisions is the need to address poor employment outcomes and
disproportionately high rates of compliance breaches in remote regions.[8]
3.9 The Explanatory Memorandum and the Minister’s Second
Reading speech argued that the current framework is failing in remote regions
and a flexible approach is needed to enable simpler payment and compliance
arrangements to be introduced. [9]
3.10 However, the Bill does not seek to address specific
compliance issues. Rather, it gives the Minister discretionary power over the
design and implementation of an entirely new social security arrangement for
remote jobseekers.
3.11 Proposals to significantly alter the current
distribution of responsibilities with regards to social security arrangements
are not supported by evidence gathered by the Committee.
3.12 Ms Lisa Fowkes, a Research Scholar attached to the
‘Implementing the RJCP’ project at Australian National University, noted in her
submission that two of the substantive measures the Minister indicated would be
introduced via legislative instrument are already addressed elsewhere:
The issue of immediacy of penalties will likely be addressed
through a Bill currently before the Parliament (Social Security Legislation
Amendment (Further Strengthening Job Seeker Compliance) Bill 2015). Weekly
payments are already possible under the existing social security legislation.[10]
3.13 Labor Senators note that the Senate Standing Committee
for the Scrutiny of Bills has sought further information from the Minister
regarding an evaluation of the appropriateness of using delegated legislation
to give effect to the central elements of the scheme.
3.14 The Labor members of this Committee note with concern
that the majority report gives no consideration to whether such a broad
ministerial discretion is appropriate or justified to achieve the stated aims
of the Bill.
3.15 The Explanatory Memorandum states the primary reason
for providing core elements of the scheme in legislative instruments rather
than the primary legislation is to:
...allow the Minister to consult with communities and the
Parliament to determine participation requirements and compliance arrangements
and to make amendments to meet the changing needs of communities.[11]
3.16 Despite this, as the National Congress of Australia’s
First Peoples noted in its submission:
Besides assurances in the [Explanatory Memorandum] that the
Minister will consult with communities and CDP providers before implementing
the new CDP regulations, based on the arrangements in the proposed legislation,
there is no formal requirement for consultation.[12]
3.17 Labor understands the need for flexible arrangements
tailored to the particular circumstances and needs of remote communities.
3.18 However, the matters to be determined by the Minister
through legislative instrument are of great practical importance to the people
and providers affected by them.
3.19 Labor Senators are not convinced of the need to vest
the power to determine such a broad range of matters in the Minister for
Indigenous Affairs in order to achieve the intent of the Bill.
Parliamentary scrutiny
4.1 Labor Senators are concerned by the evidence
presented to the Committee regarding the lack of parliamentary scrutiny of the
Bill.
4.2 In its submission, PM&C acknowledged that the
only parliamentary scrutiny over the core elements of the CDP scheme is
disallowance of the legislative instrument.
4.3 Echoing concerns expressed in many of the other
submissions, Jobs Australia argued:
Providing welfare payments to people in need of support is a
core responsibility of the Federal Government, and to delegate this much
authority over social security law to one Minister would be a fundamental
abrogation of the Parliament’s responsibility to hold the Government to account
– a responsibility that is particularly important when individuals’ human
rights are affected.[13]
4.4 The National Congress of Australia’s First Peoples strongly
refuted the Government’s claims that disallowance afforded adequate
parliamentary scrutiny of the measures provided in legislative instruments.
Including the core measures within the Bill affords
Parliament the opportunity to analyse and scrutinise the contents of proposed
legislation before it votes whether or not to pass that bill into law. It is a
fundamental tenant of the Westminster system of government that the Executive
be held to account by the Parliament. The core function of Parliament is severely
limited when the only recourse to check the power of a Minister is to disallow
a regulation.[14]
4.5 It is both disappointing and perturbing that while
the majority report acknowledges these serious concerns, the Committee has
accepted without question the evidence from PM&C that disallowance
constitutes adequate parliamentary scrutiny.
4.6 The Committee accepted this evidence on the word of
the Government, as the Committee was not presented with the detail or a draft
of the proposed regulations.
4.7 The willingness of the Committee to accept this
evidence on its face, even without the detail of the relevant regulations or
the process by which they will be determined or varied, is astounding.
4.8 Labor Senators concur with the view of the Central
Land Council, that “leaving critical aspects of the new measures to be dealt
with by regulation is inappropriate.”[15]
Importance of access to social security safety net and safeguards
5.1 Labor believes that access to the social security
safety net is an important right of all Australians, consistent with
Australia’s international obligations under the International Covenant on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).
5.2 As the Australian Council of Social Services noted in
its submission, the Bill seeks to remove remote income support recipients from
the existing social security arrangements, thereby removing them from the
safeguards and protections built into the existing social security law.
In effect, many protections built into the Social Security
Act would no longer apply to people in remote areas. This may include, for
example, the ability to take underlying issues into account in determining
whether to impose a sanction for non-compliance, for example, domestic
violence, as provided for by the Comprehensive Compliance Assessment’ process.[16]
5.3 We would be very concerned by any rules that do not
ensure that job seekers in remote regions have equal access to the same rights
and protections offered to other Australians under social security law.
5.4 The Bill in its current form does not provide that
accepted standards of protection for jobseekers in existing social security
laws will be maintained.
5.5 Labor Senators are concerned by the lack of detail
available about the process of review available to remote income support
payment recipients.
5.6 The Explanatory Memorandum suggests that the Minister
intends to make CDP providers the decision makers in the first instance,
replacing Department of Human Services (DHS) officials under existing
arrangements.[17]
5.7 It further indicates that internal review will be
conducted by PM&C, and not DHS.
5.8 Labor Senators disagree that PM&C is the
appropriate agency to conduct review of social security decisions, particularly
in light of the lack of a clear process and detail about how expertise,
accountability and consistency will be maintained.
Transfer of responsibilities to CDP providers
6.1 The Explanatory Memorandum suggests that CDP
providers, rather than DHS, will be responsible for compliance decisions as
well as making income support payments to job seekers in remote regions.[18]
6.2 This is not detailed in the Bill; but rather, is
expressed in the Explanatory Memorandum and the Minister’s Second Reading
Speech as a central element of regulations to be introduced at the discretion
of the Minister as provided in the Bill.
6.3 Labor Senators understand the Government’s rationale
for this transfer of responsibility is that it will strengthen jobseeker
compliance.
6.4 In its submission, PM&C explains that the more
immediate relationship between payments and attendance will reduce compliance
breaches and penalties incurred by jobseekers.
6.5 PM&C guarantees that “the reforms will not
increase complexity for providers and jobseekers.”[19]
6.6 However, much of the evidence presented to the
Committee does not support this claim.
6.7 Australian National University Research Fellow, Lisa
Fowkes, argued that CDP providers taking over payments will not reduce red
tape; but rather, would create new issues.
One of the principal reasons for this is that, while
providers are capable of employing people and administering wages to employees,
the administration of the social security safety net requires more rules, more
reporting and more specialized attention to complex needs. Most providers would
prefer to be much less involved in social security administration and much more
involved in finding and creating employment than they currently are.[20]
6.8 This was supported by evidence from Mr. Michael
Berto, CEO of Roper Gulf Regional Council:
The current CDP programme has already increased our
compliance and administrative staff by 50%. This has been caused by the
complicated processes introduced, the inadequacy of the IT systems that were
not completed until the end of December 2015 at PM&C, and the lack of
reporting feedback...If the current programme is not ready how can you introduce
new changes and expect great results.[21]
6.9 The appropriateness of CDP providers making
compliance decisions and social security payments was questioned in many of the
submissions to the Committee.
6.10 Ironbark Aboriginal Corporation pointed out that:
Additionally, the structure of payments – ie, paid only on
attendance and/ or compliance action for invalid non-attendance, means the
changes will in effect put providers in charge of determining their own payment
levels, based on how they treat non-attendance or lack of engagement from
participants.[22]
6.11 Lisa Fowkes argued that this creates a direct conflict
between CDP providers’ financial interests in applying penalties and their
obligations to avoid harm to vulnerable job seekers through reducing their
income.[23]
6.12 The Australian Council of Trade Unions noted that:
Under the current system the role of a CDP provider is to
assist job seekers in employment activities and report non-compliance. It is
the function of DHS, who has no financial or other incentive to administer
penalties, through a system of checks and balances.[24]
6.13 The Tiwi Islands Training and Employment Board and
Tangentyere Council expressed concerns about the effect of the transfer of
responsibility and conflict of interest on the safety of their locally employed
staff members.
6.14 The effect of the Bill is to provide the Minister with
broad discretion over the functions and responsibilities of CDP providers, so
that the Minister may give effect to measures that would require providers to
adopt responsibility for compliance decisions and social security payments.
6.15 This issue was not considered in the majority report
despite being clearly identified by Government as being one of the central
features of future regulations.
6.16 Labor supports devolution to local decision making
where appropriate.
6.17 Labor Senators acknowledge and accept the evidence from
a number of providers that the current arrangements with DHS are not working as
well as they should.
6.18 However, Labor Senators have serious concerns about
ministerial discretion to effect such a change, particularly where this may
divert providers from their core functions of providing quality activities and
helping jobseekers into employment.
6.19 There has been no evidence provided from the Government
to assess whether some of these aims could be achieved through existing social
security legislation.
Taper rates
7.1 Labor welcomes increases to the taper thresholds for
remote job seekers.
7.2 However, the precise arrangements for a new taper
rate are not found in the Bill itself. Rather, the Explanatory Memorandum makes
it clear that the Government intends to raise the threshold at which rates start
to taper to $650 per week.
7.3 Labor Senators again express concern that details of
a central element of the new CDP scheme are absent from the primary
legislation.
7.4 The Explanatory Memorandum gives cause for concern at
the effect of the stringent arrangements that could underpin the threshold
increase.
7.5 The Explanatory Memorandum and the Minister’s Second
Reading Speech suggest that social security payments will be deducted for every
hour of their ‘Work for the Dole’ (WFTD) activity not completed, even where the
reason for non-attendance is paid work.[25]
7.6 Professor Jon Altman from the Alfred Deakin Institute
for Citizenship at Deakin University explained that the former Community
Development and Employment Program (CDEP) referenced by the Minister was
premised on the payment of award rates for hours worked.
For the [CDEP] participant the base payment was a safety net
from which additional work could be undertaken on a flexible basis as
determined by seasonal factors, ceremonial commitment, family responsibilities
or personal health status.[26]
7.7 Professor Altman went on to say that:
The new proposal will suit those who want to work 25 hours
per week for the dole (at about $10 per hour) and then work additional hours at
award rates. But it will not suit those who only want to work part time or
those who want to work at award rates – for them there will be a trade-off that
constitutes a new form of poverty trap.[27]
7.8 According to the Tiwi Islands Training and Employment
Board:
In most cases however, a person will do paid work instead of
WFTD, not in addition to it. Jobseekers would be worse off than under existing
arrangements that allow hours of paid work to be counted towards their 25 hours
WFTD requirements. The benefits of increased threshold for taper are undermined
by the activity arrangements that underpin them.[28]
7.9 ANU Research Fellow Lisa Fowkes explained the
difference between current arrangements and those outlined in the Explanatory
Memorandum:
In order to retain their full benefits and avoid a penalty,
they would have to work their full WFTD hours and do any additional employment
hours on top of this. By contrast, under the existing guidelines, if the person
has moved on to a part time rate of income support, the overall WFTD hours requirement
would reduce.[29]
7.10 The evidence presented to the Committee suggests that
the proposed taper rates would improve the earning capacity for some people,
but reduce income for many others in remote communities.
Human rights compatibility and indirect discrimination
8.1 Labor Senators acknowledge the concerns expressed in
many of the submissions that the Bill is not compatible with Australia’s human
rights obligations under international law.
8.2 In assessing the Bill’s compatibility under the Human
Rights (Parliamentary Scrutiny) Act 2011 (Cth), the Parliamentary Joint
Committee on Human Rights (PJCHR) found in its initial assessment of the Bill
that the new obligations and penalty arrangements would limit CDP participants’
rights to social security under Article 9 of the ICESCR.
8.3 The PJCHR further found the Bill disproportionately
affects Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.
8.4 Labor Senators share the PJCHR’s concerns that the
regulations are not yet published.
8.5 Labor notes that the PJCHR has sought advice from the
Minister and is yet to make a final assessment of:
-
whether the limitations the Bill places on the right to social
security are reasonable and proportionate to the achievement of the Bill’s
objective; and
-
whether the disproportionate impacts on Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander peoples are justified under international human rights law.
Conclusion
9.1 Labor Senators are concerned that the recommendation
put forward in the majority report stands in direct contrast to the evidence
gathered by the Committee.
9.2 If enacted, the Bill would provide the Minister for
Indigenous Affairs with a wide-ranging discretion to design and implement new
social security arrangements for approximately 37,000 remote jobseekers, of
which 84 per cent are Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.
9.3 Labor believes that it is essential that the
processes for developing and implementing change are appropriate for purpose,
subject to robust scrutiny and developed in genuine consultation with those
affected by the change.
9.4 In the opinion of Labor members of the Committee, it
is very rare indeed to see a majority report that recommends the passing of a
Bill that contains so much criticism of the Bill itself.
9.5 Labor remains willing to work in good faith with the
Government to improve employment outcomes for remote jobseekers.
Recommendation 1
That the Bill be opposed in its current form.
Senator
Jenny McAllister
Deputy
Chair
Senator Nova Peris
Senator Claire Moore
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