Chapter 3
Key issues
Introduction
3.1
This chapter discusses key issues raised in submissions and evidence,
including:
-
support for the bill;
-
changes to the crediting period;
-
the safeguard mechanism;
-
additionality and co-funding;
-
the development of methodologies;
-
the auction process;
-
enforceability and contract terms;
-
carbon sequestration projects; and
-
eligible interest holder consent.
Support for the bill
3.2
The Clean Energy Regulator provided evidence to the committee on its
experience of administering the Carbon Farming Initiative and the feedback it
had received from participants in the scheme's first two years of operation. The
Regulator noted:
After two years of experience and regular feedback from our
clients, we have a better understanding of administering the act and our
clients also have been able to explain where there are some streamlining
opportunities and reporting opportunities that will not change the integrity of
the credits that are issued or the scheme but can provide for improved
participation.[1]
3.3
The Regulator agreed that the changes proposed in the bill would improve
the current legislation and respond to issues raised in participant feedback.
3.4
CO2 Australia stated in its submission that the passage of the bill would
be essential, should the carbon pricing mechanism be repealed. CO2 Australia stressed
the need for consistency in carbon abatement policy. It commented that any gap
between the repeal of the carbon pricing mechanism and the commencement of the
provisions in the bill would result in uncertainty for those sectors of the
economy that are seeking to address climate change.[2]
3.5
CO2 Australia welcomed the move to provide a single framework for
multiple emissions reduction activities and to streamline administration of the
Carbon Farming Initiative through the bill.[3]
3.6
The Carbon Market Institute, the peak body representing a broad range of
participants in the market, described the Emissions Reduction Fund as having
'real benefit in terms of being able to channel funding into abatement that
could deliver a kick-start to the decarbonisation'.[4]
It emphasised that the level of interest in participating in the Emissions
Reduction Fund should not be underestimated:
A lot of project proponents have invested a lot of time and
money to go through the methodology development processes and be in a position
where they can bid into the Emissions Reduction Fund.[5]
3.7
Australian Soil Management fully supported the amendments contained in
the bill and welcomed the recognition of 'the potential contribution of soil
carbon in meeting the objectives of the Emissions Reduction Fund'.[6]
3.8
The Cement Industry Federation (CIF) and National Lime Association of
Australia (NLAA) endorsed the broad intent of the bill:
The development of a consistent, national regulatory
framework—supporting the use of alternative (non-fossil based) fuels such as
those derived from waste—would potentially allow the domestic cement and lime
industries to increase abatement opportunities.[7]
3.9
The CIF and NLAA further supported the risk-based approach to auditing
emissions reductions and the streamlining of methodologies proposed by the bill.[8]
3.10
Hydro Tasmania supported the aim of the bill to ensure targeted and
efficient funding processes but cautioned against the Clean Energy Regulator
being too prescriptive and 'setting absolute guidelines that may prohibit
important opportunities from progressing'.[9]
3.11
When asked what the effect would be on the land sector if the price on
carbon were repealed and the Carbon Farming Initiative Amendment Bill were not
passed, Carbon Farmers of Australia stated:
...we would be forced into a sort of niche market type
situation that would have more difficulties.[10]
Crediting period
3.12
There was some discussion in submissions and evidence about the changes
the bill makes to crediting periods. CO2 Australia expressed concern that the
bill removes the ability to re-credit projects after the initial crediting
period expires. CO2 Australia noted that this has particular relevance for
carbon sequestration or reafforestation projects. It stated:
...the proposed legislation curtails the potential economic
life of carbon assets that would continue to actively sequester carbon beyond
the period for which the project is credited.[11]
3.13
CO2 Australia recommended that a second 25-year crediting period be
allowed for sequestration projects that have 100-year permanence.[12]
3.14
The Aboriginal Carbon Fund highlighted the effect that the single
crediting period imposed by the bill would have on savanna burning projects:
They are not like energy efficiency projects where you make
the change and there is a continuing benefit. Savanna projects require a
continuing effort every year to manage the burning.[13]
3.15
The Kimberley Land Council called the change to a single crediting
period 'significant'.[14]
3.16
The Carbon Market Institute acknowledged that the bill allows for some flexibility
in the length of a crediting period and encouraged such an approach.[15]
3.17
The explanatory memorandum to the bill explains the single crediting
period as follows:
This will ensure that the Emissions Reduction Fund continues
to target new projects that build on previous gains.[16]
3.18
In response to consultation on the Carbon Farming Initiative Amendment
Bill draft legislation, the Government has stated it will monitor the progress
of savanna burning projects under the Emissions Reduction Fund and will review
arrangements for these projects as a priority as part of the operational review
of the Emissions Reduction Fund at the end of 2015.[17]
Safeguard mechanism
3.19
As outlined in the previous chapter, the explanatory memorandum to the
bill states that a safeguard mechanism for the Emissions Reduction Fund will
begin on 1 July 2015, following consultation with stakeholders, and will
be governed by discrete legislation.
3.20
CO2 Australia expressed the view that a legislative requirement to
deliver the Emissions Reduction Fund safeguard mechanism by July 2015 should be
included in the current bill.[18]
3.21
The Carbon Market Institute also observed that consideration of the
safeguard mechanism would be beneficial at the commencement of the Emissions
Reduction Fund. The Carbon Market Institute stated:
Although the draft legislation does not include the safeguard
mechanism proposed in the ERF [Emissions Reduction Fund] White Paper, it is
important to consider it at this stage to ensure that in implementation the ERF
and the safeguard mechanism are linked. This will be crucial to ensure any new
policy is enduring and can effectively limit Australia’s emission growth to
2020 and beyond.[19]
3.22
It suggested that the safeguard mechanism include the allocation of
baselines and that the costs of emissions reductions be transferred ultimately to
the buyers of ACCUs:
If allocated baselines for entities covered under the
safeguard mechanism are reduced over time, it transfers the 'heavy lifting' to
meet emissions reduction targets to covered entities, rather than the tax payer
funded ERF. The cost for emissions reduction is transferred to those who are
required to buy the credits.[20]
3.23
The Grattan Institute mentioned in its evidence the difficulty in
setting baselines when no historical data exists—that is, for new businesses or
businesses that engage in new practices.[21]
3.24
Regarding the development of the safeguard mechanism, the Department of
the Environment confirmed that 'there is further work to be done' in 2014 but
reported that 'quite a bit of consultation with business' had occurred in the
course of developing the Green Paper and the White Paper.[22]
3.25
The department indicated that discussions so far had included the types
of entities the mechanism covers and the historical basis on which baselines are
set.[23]
It stated that:
...the government's policy is actually to have safeguard
baselines set at a level based on historical levels so that they prevent any
increase in emissions beyond what business as usual might have been. It is
not...to drive those baselines down to impose costs and therefore incentivise
companies to undertake reductions to avoid those costs.[24]
3.26
The department reiterated that the Government would continue to consult
on appropriate baselines and compliance arrangements prior to the implementation
of the safeguard mechanism. It confirmed that the Government would:
...continue to talk to business about what sorts of flexible
compliance arrangements would be available in the event that baselines are
breached by an entity.[25]
Additionality and co-funding
3.27
Organisations involved in savanna burning in northern Australia
emphasised the importance of the Carbon Farming Initiative to the continuation
of their projects but raised a number of concerns about the provisions of the
bill. The first was eligibility. The Carbon Farming Initiative Amendment Bill
2014 requires that emissions reduction projects be additional to
business-as-usual activities, must not have started and must not be funded by
other Government programs. The Aboriginal Carbon Fund expressed concern about these
provisions:
...it could mean that we are ruled ineligible and that would
mean wiping out a source of income that is worth hundreds of thousands of
dollars and employs hundreds of traditional owners...[26]
3.28
This view was supported by the Kimberley Land Council, which stated in
its submission:
Land sector carbon abatement projects offer an opportunity to
complement and strengthen existing Ranger activities with projects to reduce
emissions or store carbon on the land. Under the additionality requirements in
the ERF Bill, these groups could be prevented from participation in carbon
projects. This overlooks the fact that the funding they receive focuses on a
much larger range of land management activities that do not include carbon
abatement activities, and that, without funding from the ERF or CFI, they would
not have the resources nor capacity to undertake carbon projects.[27]
3.29
The Carbon Market Institute commented in its submission that the
requirement that projects be new, additional and not co-funded needed
clarification. It pointed out that savanna burning projects rely on co-funding
from several Government programs and, without further explanation of these
points, 'they may be considered non-additional and excluded from participating
in the ERF'.[28]
3.30
The Law Council of Australia supported the call for clarification and
noted that the additionality and co-funding requirements have the potential to
disadvantage Indigenous communities.[29]
It suggested in evidence that the legislation could make specific provision for
Indigenous land management practices:
We would even support the idea of a separate test of
additionality applying to those sorts of projects.[30]
3.31
The Department of the Environment acknowledged in its evidence to the
committee that Indigenous land management could involve a range of Government programs.
It pointed out that, while these programs support various aspects of land
management, savanna burning activities receive support only through the Carbon
Farming Initiative. Therefore, they should continue to be supported under the
Emissions Reduction Fund. The department stated:
There is a sort of common-sense element to it.
If another government program has funded something and the project is happening
anyway, it would not be a good use of taxpayer funding to fund it again. But
the government have made it quite clear that it is not their intention to
prevent people from pooling together support from a range of different sources.
Particularly in Indigenous areas, there will be a whole range of government programs
that might touch on or intersect with something under the Emissions Reduction
Fund.
The government know[s] that, on their own, none of those
individual projects are sufficient to get savanna burning projects off the
ground. The legislation talks about not funding projects that would already
happen under another government program. In this case, savanna burning activity
does not happen despite all the other government programs that you have in
place. So it is clearly a case where funding is needed through the Emissions
Reduction Fund to have those projects go ahead. The regulator will put out
further guidance to explain how it is that they will make that assessment on a
case-by-case basis.[31]
3.32
Hydro Tasmania welcomed the bill's focus on ensuring that projects
funded under the Emissions Reduction Fund be additional to normal business
practices but advocated flexibility. It recommended that the assessment of
projects for inclusion in the Emissions Reduction Fund take into consideration
the influence of geographic location.[32]
Development of methodologies
3.33
The Aboriginal Carbon Fund and the Kimberley Land Council commented in
their submissions that the bill gives the minister an increased ability to
propose and develop methodologies and expressed concern at this.[33]
The Kimberley Land Council called it a 'top-down approach' and recommended:
...to facilitate continued innovation, the ERF Bill should
allow the public to develop and propose methodologies, including variations and
amendments to existing methodologies.[34]
3.34
The Law Council of Australia observed that the current Carbon Farming Initiative
framework provides opportunities for project proponents to suggest innovation
in methodologies and that 'the ERF Bill will remove this ground-up approach and
replace it with a 'top down' approach'—that is, one determined by the minister.
It was of the view that, while the bill could streamline the assessment and
endorsement of methodology proposals, it could make participation in the Emissions
Reduction Fund difficult for some groups and could 'inadvertently stifle
innovation and research and development'.[35]
3.35
CO2 Australia expressed the view that the bill did not greatly expand
the minister's responsibility for the development of methodologies and that it
'perhaps might simply be clearer'. It said in evidence:
This bill really does introduce the opportunity to have
energy efficiency technologies, other forms of industrial abatement, subject to
a rigorous methodology in the same way that the land sector is, and then those
projects can essentially be part of the marketplace as a whole, so I think
there is an advantage to that. It offers companies more opportunity to explore
the space.[36]
3.36
The Department of the Environment reported that it had consulted with a
range of stakeholders on changes to methodology development and that
ministerial discretion had 'not been a significant concern'. It pointed out
that, under the current legislation, the minister already decides whether or
not to make a methodology determination. The department stated:
...there might be some misunderstandings about the extent of
the changes in the legislation. In the current CFI act, a decision to make or
not to make a methodology determination is a decision for the minister, so the
minister has that discretion. The minister continues to have the role of
deciding whether or not a make a methodology determination. As legislative
instruments they are subject to parliamentary scrutiny, so there is that very
important parliamentary scrutiny process.[37]
3.37
The department reported that it had listened to stakeholder feedback
about the development of methodologies. It said:
There was quite a lot of feedback from various stakeholders
about the time required to develop and assess methodologies. We undertook a
range of stakeholder consultation processes around methodology development. So
a number of the changes that you see reflected in the legislation are a
response to stakeholder feedback.[38]
3.38
In addition, the department highlighted the ability for stakeholders to
have input into the development of methodologies. It observed:
These methodologies under the Emissions Reduction Fund will
be developed through technical working groups. There is information provided
about the work of the technical working groups through, for example, an
Emissions Reduction Fund newsletter. The membership of those technical working
groups or access to information about what the technical working groups are
doing is very open. They are collaborative processes. So there are lots of
opportunities for people to make their views known and to have input into it.[39]
3.39
The department stated that the amending legislation not only allows stakeholder
input into methodology development, via technical working groups, but also allows
the minister to propose methodologies that have been seen to be successful in
other schemes. As under the current legislation, methodologies must meet the
offsets integrity standards and the minister will continue to be advised by the
Emissions Reduction Assurance Committee (formerly the Domestic Offsets
Integrity Committee). The department stated:
So if, for example, the minister was interested in a
methodology that had been developed from another scheme—the Clean Development
Mechanism or another offset scheme overseas—the minister could ask...the
emissions assurance committee to assess that methodology and advise him on
whether or not that method is suitable under the Emissions Reduction Fund...[40]
3.40
The department also noted that the bill provides the ability 'to
establish priorities for methodology development' and that this had come about
in consultation with stakeholders through technical working groups. It said:
...there is an ongoing...work program for methodology priorities.
That...would also be a collaborative process where, for example, industry or
proponents could bring forward an idea that they would like to develop a
methodology around a particular area. Then, effectively, the minister could
consider that and consult with industry themselves about whether they would
like to pursue that sort of methodology proposal and then, for example, publish
a list of priorities where further methods could be developed.[41]
3.41
The department further stated:
So the process of prioritising it collaboratively in
consultation with business means that there is a transparent process of
thinking through what really are the priorities, what are the methods that we
need to bring forward the biggest sources of low-cost emissions reductions.[42]
Auction process
3.42
The Aboriginal Carbon Fund was of the view that the proposed auction
process did not appear to be transparent.[43]
The Kimberley Land Council, similarly, commented on the apparent lack of
transparency in the auction process:
Without transparent and up-front information on the likely
price for abatement, Indigenous communities will not be in a position to undertake
the advanced planning—including feasibility assessments—required to participate
in the ERF.[44]
3.43
The Cement Industry Federation and National Lime Association of
Australia expressed some concern at the possible administrative burden created
by the auction process and suggested 'that a tender process be considered as
the key instrument to select projects until the proposed review at the end of
2015'.[45]
3.44
The Grattan Institute gave evidence that 'using reverse auctions is a
perfectly viable way of reducing emissions, possibly at moderate cost', but
that greater detail on the setting of baselines and the limit of funding needed
to be provided. The Institute also noted that absence of detail about the
safeguard mechanism could affect the auction process and the quality of bids.[46]
3.45
The Clean Energy Regulator described the auction process as 'a very
simple process to start with', where price would be 'the sole criterion'. The
Regulator reported in its evidence to the committee that it would verify that
each participant is proposing a credible amount of abatement.[47]
It stated:
So the intention is to have a competitive auction process but
also a process which encourages people to make their offers on realistic and
conservative assumptions...[48]
3.46
The Department of the Environment noted that it 'would ultimately be up
to proponents to bid in what they see as a fair return or the cost of their
project, and the auction process would determine whether they were successful'.[49]
Enforceability and contract terms
3.47
The committee heard evidence from a number of witnesses on the options
for enforcing compliance for projects registered under the Emissions Reduction
Fund. CO2 Australia was of the view that compliance via contract provisions was
preferable to legislation.[50]
3.48
The Law Council of Australia echoed this view, commenting that statutory
penalties were 'not a particularly helpful approach' and that 'the better
approach would be for there to be a contractual relationship set up which would
create a commercial obligation'.[51]
3.49
The Clean Energy Regulator informed the committee that it had released
a draft Emissions Reduction Fund contract for consultation and that 'it is a
commercial contract like any other', with 'the obligations on the supplier to
deliver and the obligations on the purchaser to pay'.[52]
It stated that, while the bill allows more flexibility in reporting and
auditing for project proponents, 'that does not relieve them of the obligation
to demonstrate that they have delivered the abatement, and it does not change
our opportunities to examine that before issuing the credits'.[53]
3.50
The Aboriginal Carbon Fund commented in its submission that the proposed
five-year contract periods were too short, thus compounding 'the problem with
the single crediting period'.[54]
3.51
The Carbon Market Institute suggested aligning the five-year contract period
and the seven-year crediting period. It proposed that this would offer 'more
certainty and less risk' as projects might not otherwise find a buyer for their
Australian carbon credit units in the remaining two years after the end of the
contract. The Institute was also of the view that:
If the contract period is too short, clearly it will be more
difficult to get finance...[55]
3.52
In its evidence, the Department of the Environment explained that the Government
was still consulting with the market on the contract length but that its
preference was for five-year contracts. It explained that this approach was to
provide 'certainty to proponents' that they would receive 'five years of
credits at a fixed price', while giving them the ability to sell credits to
other proponents in the market for the final two years.[56]
Carbon sequestration
3.53
The committee received evidence related to the change the bill makes to
permanence obligations for carbon sequestration projects. The Wentworth Group
of Concerned Scientists stated that the proposed change from a 100-year
permanence period to a 25-year period would 'weaken the permanence
obligations'.[57]
It also pointed to a lack of understanding about 100-year permanence, stating
that it 'does not mean the land is locked up' and that 'if you want to change
the land use you simply buy a carbon credit for the amount of carbon you would
be replacing'.[58]
3.54
Carbon Farmers of Australia supported the move from a 100-year to a
25-year permanence period. Carbon Farmers stated that it had 'spent many hours
with the department' and that:
The 25-year rule is one of the ones we have fought hard for.[59]
3.55
Carbon Farmers of Australia reported that engaging in projects with a
100-year permanence period was seen by their members as 'pure risk' and that
'the fear was palpable'. It commented that, with the proposed introduction of
the 25-year permanence period, 'people are starting to understand how the
process can be less punitive'.[60]
3.56
The ability to aggregate carbon sequestration projects under the changes
to the legislation was also welcomed by Carbon Farmers of Australia. It was of
the view that this 'takes away the fear that people will be left to stand on
their own and face the consequences of disasters they could not control'.[61]
3.57
The Department of the Environment noted in its evidence that the White
Paper emphasised the importance of project aggregation to pool 'small-scale
sources of emissions'. It observed that the legislation removes 'potential
barriers to sequestration' and makes the 'aggregation of land sector projects
simpler'.[62]
Eligible interest holder consent
3.58
A point raised by the Law Council of Australia in its evidence to the
committee was that the bill allows a proponent to conditionally register a
project, go to auction and be granted a contract before obtaining the consent
of eligible interest holders. The Law Council commented that this could lead to
a proponent spending time and money on a project that was ultimately
unsuccessful due to a lack of consent from the eligible interest holders.[63]
3.59
The Law Council also raised the need to seek consent from native title
holders, highlighting that differences could exist between
'exclusive-possession native title and those who have a non-exclusive
possession native title'.[64]
Given the complexities of identifying native title holders, the Law Council
advised obtaining their consent early in project planning.
3.60
The Department of the Environment clarified for the committee that the conditional
registration provision was in response to requests from proponents to speed up
the process by allowing the registration and auction process to take place
while consent was being sought from eligible interest holders. It stated:
The reason that change was made was because proponents were
saying it takes a long time to go and get the consents and if we have to do
that without having gone through the auction yet then we can waste a lot of
time and money without knowing yet whether or not we are successful at auction.
So they will go through auction and then finalise those consents.[65]
3.61
The Clean Energy Regulator confirmed that the change to obtaining
eligible interest holder consent is a matter that has 'been raised by
stakeholders variously to ourselves and the department'. It commented that the change
means that 'the proponent has a greater period of time in which to seek consent
because often it can take some time'. [66]
3.62
Notwithstanding this change, the Regulator stressed that the requirement
to obtain eligible interest holder consent is 'absolutely clear' and it advises
proponents to consider it at the planning stage of a project. The Regulator
said that if a proponent chooses to proceed without that consent, 'they have
accepted that risk'.[67]
3.63
The Department of the Environment supported the Regulator's evidence that
projects would not receive credits without the consent of eligible interest
holders. It stated:
The way it works is that they cannot receive any credits
until those consents are in place. The regulator has indicated that it would be
a conditioned precedent under the contract: the contract would not come into
effect until those consents were in place, and they cannot receive credits
until those consents are in place.[68]
Committee comment
3.64
The committee supports the Carbon Farming Initiative Amendment Bill 2014
as a key component of the Government's response to climate change.
3.65
The establishment of the Emissions Reduction Fund will expand and
streamline the Carbon Farming Initiative. This will not only result in
significant benefits to land-based carbon abatement projects but open up the
scheme to innovative projects in all sectors. The committee considers that this
is an important element in the Government's aim to reduce emissions at lowest
cost. This will benefit business and the Australian community as a whole.
3.66
The committee further notes that the bill will deliver a smooth transition
for proponents of carbon abatement projects registered under the current Carbon
Farming Initiative and an essential ongoing market for credits in the event the
carbon pricing mechanism is repealed.
3.67
The committee acknowledges that there has been widespread consultation
in the development of the legislation and that this consultation is continuing
with regard to methodology development, contract periods and the design of the
safeguard mechanism, which will commence on 1 July 2015.
3.68
In addition, the committee considers that the Clean Energy Regulator has
the expertise and resources to commence the administration of the Emissions
Reduction Fund immediately.
Recommendation 1
3.69
The committee recommends that the Carbon Farming Initiative Amendment Bill
2014 be passed.
Senator Anne
Ruston
Chair
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