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Supplementary Statement
Senator Stott Despoja
Deputy Leader of the Australian Democrats
Ridgeway v The Queen
The development of controlled operations legislation in the Commonwealth
jurisdiction followed the case of Ridgeway v The Queen (1995)
184 CLR 19. Since the facts of that case and subsequent legal developments
are frequently referred to as having somehow blocked controlled operations,
it is critical that we understand the central theme of the judgement.
The Ridgeway case was frequently referred to by law enforcement
officers during the Committee's hearings as a turning point which impeded
the further conduct of controlled operations. With respect to that evidence,
this is a rather simplistic interpretation of the Ridgeway case.
Courts have always possessed, and have frequently invoked, the discretion
to exclude evidence obtained through impropriety or illegality. While
law enforcement agencies have claimed that the High Court unreasonably
restricted the ability of law enforcement agencies to detect and break
up drug rings [1] the application of the
discretion was limited to those entrapment cases where the illegality
was an integral part of the offence charged. [2]
The Ridgeway case left considerable scope for controlled operations,
but law enforcement agencies were not comfortable with the level of uncertainty
and immediately clamoured for a administrative regime which could authorise
the conduct of controlled operations.
Legislative Response to Ridgeway
The Commonwealth legislative response to the Ridgeway Case took the form
of the Crimes Amendment (Controlled Operations) Act 1996, which
inserted Part 1AB in the Crimes Act 1914. The amendments introduced
a legislative scheme which provides for the conduct of controlled operations.
Contrary to statements contained in the preface to the Chair's Report,
the Australian Democrats are not satisfied that there was sufficient debate
of the merits of controlled operations legislation at the time of the
amendments. [3] There are a number of concerns which the Australian
Democrats believe should be addressed prior to any further codification
or expansion of executive power.
A number of these concerns are addressed in Chapter 2 of the Chair's
Report. It is the view of the Australian Democrats that these concerns
should be addressed prior to any further legislative action. While balance
is a noble and appropriate goal, it must be understood that many concerns
must be understood outside the paradigm of efficiency. Some of the concerns
are not able to be quantified and simply cannot be traded against law
enforcement interests.
The Australian Democrats are not satisfied by the argument advanced by
Mr Carmody that:
What you have to look at is the routine case. In the end we have to
work out whether this law does more social good than harm. If it does,
then that answers your civil liberties complaint. [4]
While it may often be perceived that `extreme cases make bad law,' efficiency
arguments do not answer civil liberties complaints.
As outlined by Dr Anderson:
It may be that there are some more arrests. As I said, I am prepared
to accept that these agencies will come to the parliament and ask for
more power and more resources to arrest more of the middle ranking people,
and they will do it. But they will seriously corrode the rights and
responsibilities of citizens in the course of extending those powers,
without acknowledging that. Typically, administrators do not acknowledge
that there are consequences of their own extended powers and their legitimised
criminality. [5]
The possible erosion of rights is a major concern to the Australian Democrats
and we believe that it should be addressed prior to any further legislative
action.
External Authorisation
The Australian Democrats favour an external authorisation process due
to the need for both independence and accountability.
The main argument against an external authorisation process relates to
operational efficiency. [6] As mentioned above in regard to the protection
of civil liberties, the Australian Democrats do not believe that rights
can be traded for efficiency.
Two other arguments against external authorisation have been identified
in the Chair's report. These relate to the creation of an extra layer
of bureaucracy and the unique nature of controlled operations. [7]
Neither of these arguments have been sufficiently examined at this stage,
but as with the efficiency arguments, they cannot be equated with civil
liberties concerns.
The Australian Democrats agree with the concerns expressed about the
operation of judicial authorisation mechanisms. Clearly, the nature of
controlled operations and the inherent licensing of illegality make judicial
involvement inappropriate, if not constitutionally invalid.
Public Interest Monitor
The Australian Democrats believe that the model of the public interest
monitor which has been adopted in Queensland for the issue of interception
warrants should be investigated further. While the direct application
of the model to the issue of authorisations for controlled operations
may not be appropriate, there are many aspects of the model which should
be reflected in any authorisation scheme. One of the most important of
these is the ongoing educative and policy role which is undertaken by
the Public Interest Monitor.
Uniformity
Given the problem of multiple overlapping jurisdictions and law enforcement
agencies in Australia, uniformity must be a primary concern in the creation
of any controlled operations framework. A number of witnesses referred
to the jurisdictional problems involved in current operations. It would
be extremely unfortunate if this inconsistency were to continue.
Accountability
The Australian Democrats support an increased role for the Parliamentary
Joint Committee in the oversight of the National Crime Authority. However,
as noted in the Chair's report there is clearly a need for that role to
be limited by the Committee's primary task of overseeing the exercise
of executive power. It would not be appropriate for the Committee to be
involved in the direct oversight of controlled operations, but there is
clearly a role to be played in reviewing the operation of any legislative
framework.
Conclusion
The Australian Democrats support the recommendations of the Chair's report,
with the significant caveat that civil liberties concerns must not be
weighed against efficiency considerations.
Senator Stott Despoja
Deputy Leader of the Australian Democrats
Senator for South Australia
December 1999
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Footnotes
[1] Messrs. Bronitt and Roche, Submission volume,
p137
[2] ibid., p126
[3] Chair's Report, p.xx
[4] Mr Carmody, QCC, Evidence, p81
[5] Dr Anderson, NSWCCL, Evidence, p23
[6] Chair's Report, para 4.35
[7] ibid., paras 4.43-4.46
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