Chapter 2 - Supporting Elections

  1. Supporting Elections

Overview

2.1A strong and trusted electoral system is critical for a functioning democracy. It supports the peaceful transfer of power, confers legitimacy on governments and embeds trust within the community that translates into acceptance of electoral results. Failed or disputed elections can have negative consequences that range from political uncertainty to social unrest or violent conflict.

2.2Electoral Management Bodies (EMBs) are the key institutions responsible for running free, fair, and credible elections. Elections are highly complex and expensive logistical exercises and many EMBs in our region operate in extremely challenging electoral environments. In most cases, they will service a geographically dispersed and ethno-linguistically diverse population, whilst navigating capacity and resource constraints.[1]

2.3Under Section 7(1)(fa) of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918, the Australian Electoral Commission (AEC) has been providing international assistance in matters relating to elections and referendums since 1989. With endorsement from the Foreign Minister, the AEC’s electoral assistance programs are built on requests for assistance from partner EMBs and are fully funded by the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFAT).

2.4This chapter focuses on the importance of free and fair elections and the contributions these elections make to a democratic society. The issues discussed include Australia’s support to regional electoral management bodies and the future benefits of strengthening electoral processes and partnerships throughout the region.

Regional democracy

2.5The Committee received evidence that provided an overview of how countries are faring on the democracy scale. From a historical perspective the number of democracies in Asia and the Pacific region has doubled since 1975. However, International IDEA pointed out that ‘the worry is really the stagnation or the decline in quality, and even backsliding, of democracy over the last 10 years or so.’[2]

2.6The AEC highlighted a few countries in the Pacific that were noted as successfully progressing democratic norms and reinvigorating elections:

The post-conflict nation of Timor-Leste has been described as one of the strongest democracies in the region. Due, in part, to reinvigorating elections which has boosted participation in the democratic process. Recently very sound elections in Tonga and Nauru preceded a smooth transition of power, pointing to the effectiveness of democratic systems in areas of the Pacific.[3]

2.7However, a majority of the evidence received by the Committee suggested that democracy, not only regionally but around the world was on the decline.

2.8The Asia Foundation was of the view that the stability of democracy in the region relies on the continued independence and strengthening of its EMBs and their elections.

Recent studies suggest that globally democracy is under threat by various forces, with The Economist’s Democracy Index labelling 2021 a ‘new low’ for global democracy.[4]

2.9International IDEA was so concerned about the decline in democracy in the Indo-Pacific it suggested Australia moves away from supporting elections to ‘protecting elections’.[5]

2.10International IDEA observed that ‘Democracy in the Asia-Pacific region is receding, and authoritarianism is solidifying.’[6]

Overall, nearly half of the people in the region live in an authoritarian regime (72 percent of those live in China). Of those living in a democratic regime, 84% live in a weak or backsliding democracy. Although the most dramatic examples of breakdown have been in Myanmar and Afghanistan, longstanding stable democracies such as India, Philippines or Indonesia are experiencing widespread erosion among many of its indicators. Even high and mid performing democracies such as Japan or Taiwan are suffering democratic erosion.[7]

2.11International IDEA concluded that ‘Democratic decay is negatively impacting the security environment in our region and is often exploited by populist leaders seeking to capitalise on grievances among their constituents. Yet, in parallel, vibrant pro-democracy movement have evidenced that democracy remains a core aspiration for millions in the region.’[8]

Representation in elections

2.12An important aspect to strong democratic practice is the participation of all eligible voters in the electoral process. While the region is committed to enhancing participation, areas that support women, youth, and people with disability continue to be underrepresented. The AEC explained:

… research shows that voter turnout is declining in several democracies in the region. Without participation of all groups in society, there can’t be equal democratic representation, which can lead to disenfranchisement of large sectors of society. Meaningful inclusion requires overcoming a variety of social norms and structural inequities that can obstruct electoral participation. Ensuring that all eligible voters can participate in elections is a cornerstone of a strong democracy.[9]

2.13In support of strengthening democracies, the Committee heard that inequalities and discrimination are among the main obstacles that prevent people from exercising their right to participate in democracy. CBM Australia and the Australian Disability and Development Consortium called for further investments in marginalised communities.

Investing in civil society organisations and networks that represent and advocate for the marginalised communities has a ‘ripple effect’ that strengthens efforts to reach and give voice to the most vulnerable and gives rise to more inclusive societies overall.[10]

Gender

2.14Gender inclusivity is an important aspect of democratic participation. It allows for all women, men and LGBTI+ to be able to vote independently. Recognising the need for full participation in elections also includes having supportive mechanisms in place to legitimately accept and have valid pathways for women and LGBTI+ candidates to run for parliament.

2.15DFAT outlined how Australia provides professional development support for women to participate in democratic processes in individual countries with a focus on electoral management bodies and civil society organisations. DFAT commented:

The very important thing, particularly in countries where there isn't a very high level of women's participation in formal politics, is to work with civil society and local women's organisations to increase the level of visibility of leadership by women in different walks of life. That could include in church institutions, in local women's rights organisations, in the private sector or in government. It's very much driven by the request from the local organisation and where they'd like to engage.[11]

2.16As part of the support for gender inclusion, DFAT focuses on building partnerships for emerging leaders and young women leaders through relationships with different women's organisations and young women's organisations, because it's that point of time when young people are coming into their journey as adults and exercising and participating in democracy.[12]

2.17Ms Goulding from DFAT provided the example of the success of Samoan Prime Minister Fiamē Naomi Mataʻaf elected in 2021.

Now we're seeing that Samoa, for example, has its first female head of state. That's an extraordinary development in the region. There was a time that the Hon. Fiame was one of the only women in parliament in the entire region. So, we're definitely seeing a trend in the Pacific, for example, not only of increasing numbers of women in parliaments but also of increasing numbers of women in senior roles in parliaments. But it is very much driven by the nature of those local politics in those local countries, which is why, working with civil society and a broad cross-section of partners, when they ask for the support it's valuable for us to come in behind them.[13]

2.18International IDEA called for the Australian Government to accelerate women’s political representation in the region.

The average of 21 per cent of women in parliament in Asia and the Pacific remains behind the global average, with the Pacific Islands lagging further behind at only 6.9 per cent. We know that gender quotas are a fast track to address these issues. The biggest challenge in the region remains the absence of quotas or gender-parity legislation of any kind.[14]

Disability

2.19A vibrant and engaged civil society is a cornerstone of democracy. Ensuring that people with disabilities have full inclusion and access to voting is critical for a free and fair election.

2.20DFAT commented that increasing electoral participation and confidence in governments at the community level is important for democracy.

Supporting people with disabilities and other marginalised groups to fully participate in democratic processes ensures we harness the full potential of society and maximises development outcomes. Our development assistance in these areas also demonstrates our own values of inclusion.[15]

2.21CBM Australia and the Australian Disability and Development Consortium highlighted this issue:

The accessibility of key processes of democracy, such as the physical act of voting, not only supports the participation of people with disability but also ensures the broader accessibility of such processes and, consequently, the overall strength of that democracy.[16]

Media integrity

2.22The Committee received evidence regarding freedom of expression and media integrity. International IDEA indicated that 15 countries in the region had approved measures to restrict freedom of expression:

A total of 35 percent of democracies in the region have experienced erosion in at least one of them. Since 2018, at least 15 countries in the region – ranging from democracies such as Indonesia, hybrid regimes such as Singapore or authoritarian countries such as Viet Nam or Cambodia– have approved measures that restrict Freedom of Expression, particularly online, on the grounds of fighting disinformation and protecting the country against cyberattacks.[17]

2.23Mis and Dis information is a common problem for electoral bodies globally. The AEC noted ‘there are a number of international fora looking at that very issue at the moment and the bigger issue of truth…’[18]

2.24In Australia, the AEC discussed its measures to combat and manage mis and dis information.

It has discussions with social media agencies based in Australia. However, with smaller populations in the Pacific the timing and disconnect of relationships with social media agencies makes it more challenging.[19]

How Australia provides support to EMB in the Indo-Pacific

2.25Australia provides electoral support to the Indo-Pacific countries through bilateral, regional and multi-lateral partnerships.

2.26The AEC advised the Committee it has bilateral electoral assistance programs that are fully funded by DFAT with EMBs in Papua New Guinea, Bougainville, Solomon Islands, Fiji, Tonga, and Sri Lanka.[20]

Electoral assistance in the Pacific - PIANZEA

2.27The AEC has been providing electoral assistance to international countries since 1989 and its most enduring relationships have been with electoral management bodies in the Pacific. The Committee received evidence about a regional partnership called Pacific Islands, Australia, and New Zealand Electoral Administrators (PIANZEA) that has provided electoral assistance in the region for twenty-five years.

2.28The AEC described PIANZEA as a 25-year partnership between Australia, New Zealand and 16 Pacific Island electoral management bodies. It was established in 1997 and is a collaboration between electoral administrators in the Pacific who share information and provide mutual assistance in support of elections.

PIANZEA is deeply valued by its members, respected across the Pacific, and is looked upon as a best practice model by other regions.[21]

2.29Importantly, the AEC observed that PIANZEA ensures global standards are implemented while regional and local sensitivities are appreciated.[22]

2.30One of PIANZEA’s strengths is delivering a Generic Voter Registration System (GVRS) to allow Pacific countries to manage their own electoral rolls. Importantly the GVRS ensures countries have complete ownership of their voter registration data.

The GVRS is currently used by Kiribati, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, Tokelau, Palau, and Bougainville.[23]

2.31The Deputy Electoral Commissioner shared the following positive highlights from the successes of PIANZEA. PIANZEA has:

… direct engagement with the election management bodies at commissioner and deputy commissioner level right across the Pacific. It's been going for over 20 years. It is a fantastic network in which there is great mutual respect, collaboration and trust. We share ideas, we share successes, we share challenges, we do training exercises, and we do women in election mentoring programs. There are all sorts of initiatives that we've been driving through that.[24]

Building Resources in Democracy, Governance and Elections (BRIDGE)

2.32The AEC brought to the Committee’s attention a valuable professional development program for staff working in electoral management bodies across the Pacific. The AEC informed the Committee that the BRIDGE program has provided support over the last twenty years:

BRIDGE is a modular professional development program that enhances the professional skills and confidence of staff in electoral management bodies and stakeholders in the electoral process; it is the most comprehensive capacity development tool for elections of its kind. The AEC plays a central role as one of five BRIDGE Partner organisations who also include the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES), the United Nations Electoral Assistance Division (UNEAD) and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).[25]

Future support for international electoral assistance

2.33The AEC stated it ‘remains committed to providing international electoral assistance and we are willing and able to scale-up this support to the region in partnership with DFAT and subject to the provision of appropriate resourcing.’

Our best practice operations and long-standing relationships in the Indo-Pacific region position us as a trusted partner of choice for fellow EMBs.’[26]

2.34The AEC emphasised the importance of providing well-resourced support that for electoral assistance requires adequate time to build local capacity. AEC commented:

For Australia’s electoral assistance to be as effective as possible, it is recommended that the Australian Government take a ‘whole of election cycle’ approach to electoral assistance. This approach ensures that electoral assistance is provided throughout the full electoral cycle, and not only in the immediate period before an election, where assistance will be too late to meaningfully reinforce (rather than replace) local capacity.

Electoral assistance should support the planning, implementation, lessons-learned, and change management phases of the electoral cycle, noting that elections require significant planning and engagement before, during, and after polling day.[27]

2.35The AEC discussed with the Committee how it manages its preparedness through an Election Ready Road Map. Importantly the road map has a lessons learned section from the previous election cycle.

At the very start of an electoral cycle, one of the things we need to do—it’s the most important thing, really—is to learn the lessons of the previous electoral cycle. That’s a formal process that we go through, and we have a range of planning metrics which we then put in place to get to a point where we’re then ready.[28]

2.36The AEC described an example of building an Electoral Education Centre in Nepal that was very successful.

It gave them a facility where kids could come in, do education programs and become far more aware about democracy in the region. The Nepalese loved it. At the opening of that we had 800 people, including the entire diplomatic corps, the entire cabinet and the president. I think the cost to Australia was about a million bucks; it might have even been less than that. If you think about the goodwill we purchased and the impact we had in the region for such a small project, I think there’s scope for us to do more and more of those things.[29]

2.37Numerous stakeholders including Mr Henry Heritage called for more support from Australia for AEC assistance in the region. He stated:

Whilst it’s noted that the AEC delivers elite and essential democratic-strengthening projects throughout the region, it’s noted that political-instability in the Pacific will continue to result in disruptions to voting integrity and transparency. It’s strongly recommended that the AEC’s regional work to protect democratic processes is maintained and increased.[30]

Case Study: Papua New Guinea (PNG)

Challenges for PNG elections

2.38Papua New Guinea is Australia’s nearest neighbour and is Australia’s largest aid recipient. Australia is the largest contributor of electoral assistance for PNG.

2.39The Committee heard evidence from Dr Wood, an academic based in Port Moresby and observed the 2022 election. He commented:

Unfortunately, the 2022 elections in Papua New Guinea were plagued with major issues. The electoral roll was terrible everywhere and it was a source of a lot of tension. Electoral fraud was an issue in places, particularly in parts of the Highlands. Electoral violence was a major issue, especially in parts of the Highlands. Hundreds of people lost their lives, and thousands of people have had to flee their homes—many of whom have not yet returned. Worryingly, the worst electoral problems in Papua New Guinea seemed to spread outside of the Highlands region in 2022, travelling to places like Port Moresby and Morobe Province as well.[31]

2.40In preparation for a nation-wide election, the electoral roll needs to be accurate and updated. This is a time-consuming task for any country to undertake. Dr Terrence Wood explained the severity of the problem with the electoral roll across PNG.

There is the logistical issue of accurately managing the roll, dealing with registrations in a country where people don't have definite forms of personal identification. These are all problems that can be overcome, but they need to be overcome well in advance of the election and would require a reasonable amount of funding. The consequence of a poor roll in those parts of the country is that it leads to increased tension on election day when people come to vote, expecting that they ought to be entitled to vote—they may have been registered to vote five years ago, for example—and they find that they can't vote.[32]

2.41Dr Wood shared with the Committee some challenges that arose for the PNG electoral commission during its last election in 2022.

First, although some issues, particularly the quality of the roll and also the capacity of the national electoral commission, affect the whole country, there is considerable variation in electoral quality between different parts of Papua New Guinea. In particular, the bulk of electoral violence occurs in the Highlands region.[33]

Second, in my experience at least, most voters in Papua New Guinea want nothing more than to express their democratic right to vote. Also, in most places, the bulk of electoral officials attempt to do a reasonable job, at times under very difficult circumstances.[34]

2.42It was a concern of Dr Wood that if elections continue this way in PNG, electoral problems will increasingly become a major threat to democracy in Australia’s nearest neighbour. Dr Wood called for an increase in funding and electoral support to PNG.

Ultimately, a collapsed democracy in PNG, whatever form it might take, will be a real challenge to regional stability, as well as a tragedy for the people of Papua New Guinea.[35]

2.43Dr Wood suggested the Committee consider the following recommendations to the Australian Government:

  • DFAT ensures that ongoing electoral assistance to Papua New Guinea becomes a priority for its aid work in the country. In particular DFAT should increase the amount of aid it devotes to electoral assistance
  • DFAT proactively engaging with electoral issues throughout the five year period between now and the next election
  • DFAT ensures that it very thoroughly evaluates the electoral assistance that it gave over the period from 2017 to 2022
  • DFAT carefully investigates how it works and who it works with on electoral matters in Papua New Guinea
  • Australia engages at a political level with its partners in Papua New Guinea. There are senior politicians in Papua New Guinea’s parliament at present who appear eager to improve electoral quality.[36]
    1. The AEC remarked upon the time it takes to deliver a successful election in Australia, which is four years squeezed into a three year framework.[37]

In a country like PNG, with the cultural and geographic challenges that they have, that's even more exacerbated. It's an incredibly complex and difficult thing. It can't be either delivered or fixed in the last few months of the electoral cycle; it takes long-term focus, as it does for us here in the AEC delivering in Australia. Not just for PNG, but for any electoral assistance that we provide, the biggest bang for buck is to do that right through the cycle, to include all forms of the planning cycle, so it runs more smoothly. It's too late at the end; it can't be fixed.[38]

2.45PNG has a five year election cycle. However, as the AEC observed, working efficiently within electoral timeframes is not an issue that gains attention in PNG due to other demands on the government.

… the PNG Electoral Commission itself was underfunded in terms of its normal agency budget for most of that five-year cycle, if not all. Then the election funding for the election was late and was not what was required.

You can't actually buy your way out of risk and you can't buy time and, when you're working on deadlines in Constitutions and electoral acts and other pieces of legislation, you just have to pull out all the stops and do your very best to try to get the election to the start gate and then actually across the line a few months later.

This issue of trying to find a way for governments who are under extreme demands for finances, health, education, climate change, and all of those sorts of things that they're grappling with to invest in the electoral cycle and to appreciate that, by investing in electoral cycles earlier, you can reduce risk and cost downstream.[39]

Committee comment

2.46The Committee noted that the Australian Government is advancing the benefits of democratic principles in our region by providing $4.77 billion in Official Development Assistance (ODA).This is a significant undertaking led by the Department of Foreign Affairs Defence and Trade (DFAT) which continues to manage investments in the region that support peace, stability and economic prosperity whilst managing sensitivities regarding sovereignty of nations with sound judgement. The Committee commends DFAT’s new International Development Policy that was released in August 2023.

2.47The Committee believes that the Australian Government should increase its investment to the Official Development Assistance in supporting elections in our region. With vast oceans, limited road networks, remote communities and connectivity limits, the logistical challenges of the region are extreme and require years of planning and support. Recent experiences in the region resulted in under resourcing of local electoral commissions, and requests for assistance often occurred very late in the electoral cycle.

2.48For Australia’s electoral assistance to be as effective as possible, the Committee recommends that the Australian Government take a ‘whole of election cycle’ approach to electoral assistance and support in the region. This would require a substantial increase in electoral funding to ensure electoral assistance is provided throughout the full electoral cycle, and not only in the immediate period before an election, to assist with in country preparedness including assisting with voter registration and maintaining and updating electoral rolls. This would be appropriate for Papua New Guinea if Australia is interested in protecting democracy with our closest neighbour in the region.

2.49Currently DFAT only publishes on its website Australia’s involvement in supporting elections in bilateral arrangements. Australia has a long precedent in supporting and facilitating elections through the Australian Electoral Commission. The Committee urges the Australian Government to publish a clear and transparent policy on its funding and program support for international elections. The Committee believes this will prevent international players from mischaracterising Australia’s long-standing practice of supporting the core function of democracy in our region through the appropriate channels, whilst respecting the sovereignty of each nation that Australia assists.

Recommendation 1

2.50The Committee recommends the Australian Government appropriately fund the Australian Electoral Commission to develop long-term partnerships, appropriate resourcing and preparedness with countries in our region who request assistance with elections. This would involve a minimum commitment of three years, prior to the election, to enable Australia to work in partnership with the local workforce to assist with systematic and logistical challenges unique to each country.

Electoral assistance should support the planning, implementation, lessons-learned, and change management phases of the electoral cycle, noting that elections require significant planning and engagement before, during, and after polling day.

Recommendation 2

2.51The Committee recommends that the Australian Government develop a public policy on Australia’s long-standing precedent of providing election support for countries in the Indo-Pacific region, when invited to assist. This policy would outline partner countries with bilateral agreements which Australia assists with the running of independent and fair elections in our region.

Footnotes

[1]AEC, Submission 2, p. 1.

[2]Ms Leena Rikkila Tamang, International IDEA, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 1 December 2022, p. 1.

[3]AEC, Submission 2, p. 1.

[4]The Asia Foundation, Submission 13, p. 1.

[5]International IDEA, Submission 12, p. 1.

[6]International IDEA, Submission 12, p. 2.

[7]International IDEA, Submission 12, p. 2.

[8]International IDEA, Submission 12, p. 2.

[9]AEC, Submission 2, p. 1.

[10]CBM Australia and the Australian Disability and Development Consortium, Submission 5, p. 3.

[11]Ms Goulding, DFAT, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 24 November 2022, p.4.

[12]Ms Goulding, DFAT, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 24 November 2022, p.4.

[13]Ms Goulding, DFAT, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 24 November 2022, p.4.

[14]Ms Leena Rikkila Tamang, International IDEA, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 1 December 2022, p. 2.

[15]DFAT, Submission 11, p. 3.

[16]CBM Australia and the Australian Disability and Development Consortium, Submission 5, p. 1.

[17]International IDEA, Submission 12, p. 2.

[18]Mr Tom Rogers, AEC, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 10 March 2023, pages 6-7.

[19]Mr Jeff Pope, AEC, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 10 March 2023, p. 8.

[20]AEC, Submission 2, p. 2.

[21]AEC, Submission 2, p. 2.

[22]AEC, Submission 2, p. 3.

[23]AEC, Submission 2, p. 3.

[24]Mr Jeff Pope, AEC, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 10 March 2023, p. 3.

[25]AEC, Submission 2, p. 3.

[26]AEC, Submission 2, p. 3.

[27]AEC, Submission 2, p. 3.

[28]Mr Tom Rogers, AEC, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 10 March 2023, p. 6.

[29]Mr Tom Rogers, AEC, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 10 March 2023, p. 4.

[30]Mr Henry Heritage, Submission 3, p. 3.

[31]Dr Terrence Wood, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 10 March 2023, p. 11.

[32]Dr Terence Wood, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 10 March 2023, p. 12.

[33]Dr Terence Wood, Submission 30, p. 3.

[34]Dr Terence Wood, Submission 30, p. 3.

[35]Dr Terence Wood, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 10 March 2023, p. 11.

[36]Dr Terence Wood, Submission 30, pages 5-6.

[37]Mr Tom Rogers, AEC, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 10 March 2023, p. 2.

[38]Mr Jeff Pope, AEC, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 10 March 2023, p. 2.

[39]Mr Jeff Pope, AEC, Committee Hansard, Canberra, 10 March 2023, p. 2.