Chapter 3Facing additional barriers to renting
3.1The impacts of the rental crisis are disproportionately felt by a range of people who are already experiencing disadvantage. The committee heard that the rental crisis is exacerbating existing inequalities and leaving many people in increasingly desperate situations.
3.2In addition to the issues discussed in Chapter 2, the committee received compelling evidence regarding further barriers to renting faced by the following cohorts:
income support recipients;
First Nations peoples;
people with disability;
victim-survivors of domestic and family violence;
older Australians;
younger Australians;
people living in regional, rural and remote Australia;
asylum seekers, refugees, and newly arrived migrants;
international students; and
people exiting prison.
3.3This chapter examines the issues of particular significance to each of these vulnerable cohorts amidst the ongoing rental crisis. The committee recognises that many of these issues overlap and intersect.
Income support recipients
3.4Income support recipients face acute difficulties securing and maintaining rental housing.
3.5Ms Emma Greenhalgh, Chief Executive Officer of National Shelter, described the current situation for people receiving income support:
I wouldn't even call it housing stress. It would be housing distress and likely to be homelessness. It's dire.
3.6While several inquiry participants welcomed the Government’s recent increases to income support payments, others pointed out that these payments remain well below the poverty line and are failing to keep up with rising rents and overall cost of living.
3.7Inquiry participants also noted that the lack of government investment in social and affordable housing is a significant contributor to housing shortages for income support recipients, causing an undue burden on the private housing market to resolve the shortfall:
You have 750,000 people on disability support pension. You have 1.3 million people on JobSeeker. Okay, a proportion of them would be living with family et cetera, but a proportion would be dependent on the private rental sector. As the Anglicare survey illustrates—when they do that one week, one day in April—less than one per cent of rental properties are affordable, as measured by paying less than 30 per cent of your income on accommodation. Obviously, supply is important; no doubt about it. But to leave it totally to the market and expect that to resolve the problem, I think, is false. It's not correct. It will not resolve the problem. I think that bottom 20 or 30 per cent are being invisibilised in the housing market.
3.8According to Anglicare’s nation-wide 2023 Rental Affordability Snapshots, the overwhelming majority of available rental properties are unaffordable for income support recipients. For example, out of 45,895 listings across the country on 17 March 2023:
zero properties (0.0 per cent) were affordable for a single person over 18 years of age receiving Youth Allowance;
four properties (0.0 per cent) – all of which were rooms in share houses – were affordable for a single person on JobSeeker;
66 properties (0.1 per cent) were affordable for a single person over 21 years of age receiving the Disability Support Pension; and
162 properties (0.4 per cent) were affordable for a single person receiving the Age Pension.
3.9In addition to rental affordability issues, income support recipients face discrimination from real estate agents and landlords which further diminishes their prospects of securing rental housing.
High rates of rental stress
3.10Among renters on income support, a very high number experience rental stress and are ‘unable to meet the basic costs of living’.Anglicare Australia submitted that ‘the pace and size of rent increases are far outstripping these payments and pushing more Australians into poverty and housing stress’.
3.11The following case study of a father in receipt of JobSeeker payments demonstrates the financial struggles faced by many income support recipients:
… [Mick] said he found it extremely difficult to cover his rent and all of his basic household expenses. This often meant Mick ran out of money in the second week of his fortnightly payment period, leaving him with no money for public transport, and unable to attend job interviews that weren’t within walking distance of his home. He also often couldn’t afford to top up the credit on his phone, which made it hard for him to engage with employers and employment service providers ...
3.12Similarly, a renter receiving the single parent pension testified at a public hearing that she had resorted to borrowing money from friends and family and accessing food banks to meet her family’s basic needs.
Issues with Commonwealth Rent Assistance
3.13The committee received evidence that many people in need of Commonwealth Rent Assistance (CRA) are unable to access it due to narrow eligibility criteria. For example, Anglicare WA noted that:
The CRA is inadequate for people living in share housing, as they are often unable to meet the requirements around lease agreements, and the payment cut-in criteria disadvantages those on lowest incomes, since they have to spend a much larger proportion of their income on rent before they become eligible for the assistance. As a consequence of these issues, only one in three people on the JobSeeker payment is eligible for the payment, and only one in four income support recipients get the payment overall.
3.14There was also widespread criticism of the inadequacy of CRA. Economic Justice Australia, for example, submitted that:
With maximum rent assistance rates currently capped at just $78 per week for a single nonsharer, rent assistance bears no relation to the private rental market, particularly in capital cities and regional centres.
3.15As at 30 June 2023, there were 70.6 per cent of CRA households paying more than 30 per cent of their income on rent (the measure used for rental stress), before their CRA payment. This reduced to 42.9 per cent after their CRA payment.
3.16As noted in Chapter 1, the Government has pledged to increase the maximum rates of CRA by 15 per cent from 20 September 2023 which will benefit around 1.1 million households. This would result in an increase in the maximum weekly rate of CRA for a single nonsharer from approximately $78 to $90. The proportion of CRA households in rental stress following payment is expected to drop by around three percentage points.
3.17Several submitters remarked that the design of CRA does not account for the differences in rental prices and cost of living across the country, and that the CRA consequently fails to address the needs of many recipients.
First Nations peoples
3.18Inquiry participants pointed out that First Nations peoples are disproportionately impacted by the rental crisis. As noted by Change the Record, First Nations peoples are:
… disproportionately renters … First Nations households are consistently more likely than other households to live in a rental, at 56.1% compared with 30.6% of non-Indigenous people.
3.19The increasing unaffordability of rental housing is said to pose additional challenges for First Nations peoples who are overrepresented in low-income households. The First Peoples Disability Network indicated that First Nations households are almost twice as likely as other households to be experiencing rental stress.
3.20First Nations peoples also experience ‘structural gendered and racialised inequalities which are known to increase the risk of homelessness and housing precarity’, including violence and criminalisation.
Discrimination in the private rental market
3.21First Nations peoples reported being frequently subject to racial discrimination when trying to access private rental housing.
3.22Several submitters suggested that it is easier to secure a lease if a person is less easily identifiable as being First Nations. Indeed, Indigenous Business Australia presented the following testimony from an individual:
When we first looked for private rental, we found it very hard because it was me and my husband walking around together, and he’s got beautiful dark skin, and... we couldn’t get a flat. And I wondered why. So I left him home one day, and because I could talk whitefella still, I was able to get a flat.
The shortage of adequate social housing
3.23Around 14percentof public housing residents were First Nations people in 2021–22. Various submitters emphasised that the shortage of adequate social housing disproportionately impacts First Nations peoples. Kimberley Community Legal Services submitted that:
Social housing is an important aspect of housing provision in the region (particularly in remote Aboriginal communities) … The high levels of homelessness and overcrowding indicate there are insufficient numbers of social housing properties available …
3.24Likewise, the Victorian Aboriginal Housing and Homelessness Forum argued that the declining availability of social housing within the state had led to higher rates of First Nations homelessness and housing instability. For example, overcrowding was said to be common in First Nations households, resulting from the social housing shortage.
3.25The committee heard that where First Nations peoples are living in social housing, the properties are often of an inadequate standard:
In 2021, 33.5% of public housing for First Nations households did not meet agreed minimum acceptable standards, compared to 24% of all households. In community housing, 29% First Nations households lived in properties of an unacceptable standard, compared to 18.1% of all households.
3.26This leaves First Nations households ‘vulnerable to living in dangerous environments’.
People with disability
3.27Inquiry participants highlighted the serious challenges faced by people with disability in navigating the private rental market.
Discrimination in the private rental market
3.28Action for More Independence and Dignity in Accommodation (AMIDA) pointed out that people with disability frequently experience discrimination based on their income and their access needs.
3.29The committee heard that in many cases, the ‘hidden costs of managing disabilities’ drive people into poverty. Children and Young People with Disability Australia reported:
Many young people with disability remain disproportionately represented among those experiencing poverty within Australia. This makes it exceedingly difficult for them to afford the ever-increasing rental costs.
3.30Jane testified at a public hearing that, as the user of a power wheelchair, she was likely to experience discrimination:
… any new landlord that looks at me and sees the chair is going to go: 'Well, I have choices, and she's got a power wheelchair. That small heavy machine is going to do a bit of damage, so I don't really want to rent to her.'
The need for accessible accommodation
3.31Evidence to the committee demonstrated that people with disability often struggle to find rental properties that meet their accessibility needs. As noted by Children and Young People with Disability Australia:
Currently, most housing in Australia does not meet the needs of people with disability with problems including poor access and unsuitable internal layouts, particularly inadequately designed bathrooms. Dwellings may also be poorly located to support community participation.
3.32One submitter wrote:
The fact that so few properties meet my access requirements and that finding them is down to luck, makes it like searching for a needle in a haystack. If I’ve been told to move, it’s also a race against time. 6 weeks might be reasonable for a person who finds all the properties on the market physically accessible but it’s a very short time when such a small percentage of properties are possibilities.
3.33Mr Travis Gilbert, Chief Executive Officer of the ACT Shelter Association, echoed that people with disability have insufficient time to determine whether a rental property is suitable for them:
…you often get a five-minute window—if you're lucky, 10—to view a property to determine whether it meets your needs. ... If you had a physical disability … I have no idea how you would determine whether that was fit for you to live in, whether you would enjoy living there or whether it was accessible … in five minutes.
3.34The lack of accessible rental housing forces people with disability to ‘settle for substandard living conditions that are not conducive to their health and well-being’. The committee heard of accessibility issues leading to physical injuries, social isolation, and poorer life outcomes overall. As Jane testified at a public hearing:
…if my house is not accessible enough, it takes me longer to get from in bed to out the door to go to work. If it takes me longer to get ready for work, then I'm not able to work as many hours, and I'm more tired and I'm less effective, and they all feed into each other.
Inability to make modifications to ensure accessibility
3.35The challenge of finding an accessible rental property is exacerbated by the inability of many renters to make modifications to their homes.
3.36Several submitters underlined that it is common for people with disability to avoid requesting modifications to accommodate their disability for fear of ‘retaliation and victimisation from their provider’.
3.37Indeed, the committee heard of people with disability – such as Karen Thorne, a renter living with fibromyalgia and Scheuermann’s disease – who have faced issues negotiating modifications with their landlord:
… Thorne requested a minor modification to her bathroom under her NDIS plan - the installation of a handrail in the shower. However, following her request, she received a no-grounds eviction notice. Thorne interpreted this as retaliation for her attempts to assert her rights as a renter with a disability.
Victim-survivors of domestic and family violence
3.38The impacts of the rental crisis are acutely felt by victim-survivors of domestic and family violence who are struggling to find safe and secure accommodation.
Inability to escape domestic and family violence
3.39The committee received widespread reports that the rental crisis is making it more difficult for people to escape situations of domestic and family violence. For example, Ms Nadia Bromley, Chief Executive Officer of the Women’s Legal Service Queensland, testified that ‘the rental crisis in Australia is forcing women to choose between violence and homelessness’.
3.40WIRE underscored that high competition in the private rental market prevents victim-survivors from leaving abusive environments:
Victim-survivors who might otherwise end relationships where there is family violence, feel forced to stay because the rental market presents an insurmountable a [sic] barrier to long term independence.
3.41According to Full Stop Australia, 87.5 per cent of victim-survivors who responded to its July 2023 survey had chosen to remain in an unsafe home due to challenges securing alternative housing.
3.42At the National Cabinet meeting on 16 August 2023, agreement was obtained from all states and territories to implement a number of reforms to better protect tenants who are experiencing domestic and family violence. These were outlined in Chapter 1.
3.43The Housing Australia Future Fund (HAFF) includes measures for people experiencing acute housing needs, including women and children impacted by domestic violence. These were outlined in Chapter 1.
Difficulties securing rental housing
3.44Inquiry participants highlighted a variety of additional barriers that victim-survivors face when trying to obtain rental housing. These barriers were described by the following victim-survivor:
I wasn’t able to access private rental due to multiple barriers: no income after escaping DV, no rental history in my name so no real estate agent was willing to consider my application, I was homeless for almost two years after escaping violence moving through women’s shelter and transitional housing…
3.45Victim-survivors may have limited financial resources for a number of reasons, including a history of caregiving and experiences of financial abuse and coercive control. Victim-survivors may also have poor rental references or been blacklisted by real estate agencies because of damage to a previous rental property caused by the perpetrator.
The shortage of suitable crisis accommodation
3.46The severe shortage of suitable crisis accommodation across the country further limits the options available to victim-survivors. Change the Record submitted that in 2021–22, 31 per cent of people experiencing family violence who approached a specialist homelessness service to request crisis accommodation were turned away.
3.47The committee heard that where crisis accommodation is available, it is often unsuitable for victim-survivors due to the lack of safety and privacy. Domestic Violence NSW underlined the lack of viable options for victim-survivors:
At present, the private rental market is largely unaffordable for women leaving violence, crisis refuges are stretched beyond capacity and experiencing ‘bottle-necks’ due to a lack of social and community housing.
3.48As such, there is a clear link between experiences of family or domestic violence and homelessness. 83.3 per cent of respondents to Full Stop Australia’s survey reported having experienced homelessness, or being at risk of homelessness, due to domestic or family violence.
Older Australians
3.49A large number of older Australians are profoundly impacted by the rental crisis. Council on the Ageing Victoria (COTA Victoria) pointed out that a significant proportion of older Australians are renting and are concerned about their risk of homelessness. COTA Victoria reported a substantial increase in calls over the last three months from older renters experiencing difficulties accessing rental housing or who were at risk of losing their tenancy.
Rental affordability
3.50The growing unaffordability of rental housing poses major challenges for older Australians, as noted by Catholic Health Australia:
Older Australians are limited in their ability to combat rising rental costs, often experiencing declining health, complex needs, ageism in the workplace resulting in a limited capacity to earn their own funds to meet the rental demand.
3.51Submitters remarked that older women, in particular, commonly have scarce financial resources and are the fastest growing population group at risk of homelessness.
… due to time spent out of the paid workforce and in caring roles and age discrimination in employment, [older women] are more likely to have little superannuation or savings, and sometimes no credit history.
3.52A significant number of older Australians rely on the Age Pension and JobSeeker payments as their main source of income, but these have failed to keep pace with the costs of renting. The Housing for the Aged Action Group pointed out:
Assuming an older person gets the maximum rate of CRA, age pension and pension supplement ($1313.70), they will be left with very little money every fortnight for all other expenses including food, utilities, health expenses and other bills. To avoid rental stress the maximum amount of rent an older person on age pension can pay is approximately $400 a fortnight or $200 a week. Given the current rental crisis, this means that older people are either forced to live under tremendous rental stress or being forced to find share housing options that are likely untenable.
3.53Everybody’s Home gave evidence that although the private rental market is unsuitable for many older Australians, there are few other options:
Survey participants expressed a high degree of anxiety about ageing in the private rental market, particularly the prospect of evictions and arbitrary rent increases. Yet with waiting lists at record-highs, many have no choice.
Younger Australians
3.54The committee heard that younger Australians face distinct barriers to securing rental housing and are increasingly missing out on home ownership.
Rental affordability
3.55Inquiry participants indicated that rising rents are a particular challenge for many younger Australians on low and unstable incomes. For example, a member of the Headspace Youth National Reference Group mentioned that younger Australians who are full-time university students often experience financial instability due to reliance on casual employment.
3.56Orygen confirmed that younger Australians’ limited financial resources pose significant difficulties for securing rental housing:
Compared to other age cohorts, young people are: still often trying to establish themselves in gainful employment; more likely to work in lower-paying jobs; and more likely to be unemployed or underemployed. Limited earning capacity and higher rates of renting means young people are disproportionately impacted by the currently high rental prices and tight rental market.
3.57Of the 3,107 young Australians surveyed in Headspace’s 2022 National Youth Mental Health Survey, 61 per cent reported being ‘fairly’ or ‘very’ worried about the cost of rent. Housing affordability was young Australians’ second largest concern after rising cost of living.
3.58The lack of affordable housing options has contributed to high rates of younger Australians experiencing ‘hidden’ forms of homelessness such as couch surfing and living in severely overcrowded accommodation.
Intergenerational inequity
3.59Several submitters highlighted that the current rental system exacerbates intergenerational inequity. Submitters pointed out that with younger Australians needing to spend a large proportion of their income on rent, they have less ability to save for their own home.
3.60The Youth Affairs Council of South Australia outlined what the growing unattainability of home ownership means for younger Australians:
Owning a home is a significant driver of wealth in Australia. Decreasing rates of home ownership and increasing rates of young people renting, paired with other changes to the housing market, heavily contributes to Australia’s widening intergenerational inequality. With young people essentially excluded from the housing market, their ability to build wealth is impacted …
3.61Think Forward echoed that the rental crisis perpetuates existing wealth disparities:
Young adults who don't get parental assistance lose the opportunity to grow wealth through homeownership like their counterparts, reinforcing wealth inequality over generations.
People living in regional, rural and remote Australia
3.62Inquiry participants gave evidence about the features of the rental crisis that are particularly apparent in regional, rural and remote areas of the country.
3.63The committee heard that there is extreme shortage of affordable rental housing in many regional, rural and remote areas. For example, various submitters remarked on the declining number of rental listings and extremely low vacancy rates across regional Victoria and Western Australia. According to Kimberley Community Legal Services, at the time of writing their submission:
… there [was] one private rental available in Kununurra. This lone property [was] advertised at $600.00 a week. In Broome, there [were] 12 private rentals available, ranging from $650 to $1,500.00 a week. Rental prices were reported to have increased in Kununurra by 47%, and by 37% in Broome since early 2022. As a result, private rentals in the region are inaccessible to a growing number of people.
3.64Analysis by the Bankwest Curtin Economic Centre revealed that ‘overall rent in regional areas is less affordable for all households than in the capital cities’, and very few regional areas are affordable for low-income households.
3.65The mining and resources industry was said to be a major influence on rental prices in regional, rural and remote areas:
Mining and other large companies rent properties from the private market to accommodate their employees, boosting rents and reducing property stock. Lower middle-class workers not employed in the mining sectors cannot afford the high rents but are ineligible for Public or Social housing.
3.66Indeed, the Australian Education Union reported that:
Where public housing is not provided, educators experience acute housing precarity where their salaries lag significantly behind local wages – typically, and most acutely, in remote communities whose principal economic activities inlude mining.
Accommodation standards
3.67Inquiry participants commented on the poor standard of rental accommodation in regional, rural and remote communities. The committee received evidence that:
Most houses in remote communities are old, poorly constructed and poorly maintained, with tenants often living in dilapidated houses with no refrigerators, proper doors, windows or insulation, and relying on prepaid power cards that result in extreme rates of electricity disconnection.
3.68Kimberley Community Legal Services similarly attested to the inadequate standard of housing in the Kimberley area, with ‘houses … in a poor state of repair and … unable to deal with the tropical, and increasingly hot, climate’.
3.69Pilbara Community Legal Service pointed out that repairs and maintenance take significantly longer to be completed in regional, rural and remote areas – ‘even urgent maintenance requests can take several days or weeks to be remedied’.
3.70The Australian Education Union highlighted the health and safety risks posed by substandard housing, pointing to the example of a teacher ‘in a remote community [who] was exposed to asbestos due to unrepaired damage to the building’.
The impact of natural disasters
3.71Natural disasters exacerbate rental supply and affordability issues in regional, rural and remote Australia and drive many people into unstable temporary accommodation arrangements.
3.72Headspace noted that people affected by natural disasters often end up staying in temporary shelters for years due to a lack of affordable alternatives. This has a range of detrimental impacts, including isolation from community services and networks as well as the potential for overcrowding and exposure to drug and alcohol use.
3.73Additionally, Ms Natalie Bradshaw of Legal Aid NSW told the committee that people living in temporary shelters have ‘very limited protections’ as they are not covered by residential tenancies legislation.
3.74Ms Linda Forbes, Law Reform Officer at Economic Justice Australia, expressed her concern that in regions affected by natural disasters, ‘people who were renting may never get back into the rental market’.
3.75Regional Development Australia pointed out that many people are trapped in extended periods of housing limbo:
For example, the October/November 2022 floods through the Loddon Mallee left many homes legally uninhabitable and in need of serious repair. … Many people displaced by these floods have had to join the Victorian Housing Register are still not in housing, further extending wait times for community housing in these regions.
Asylum seekers, refugees, and newly arrived migrants
3.76The committee received a range of evidence about the struggles of asylum seekers, refugees, and newly arrived migrants to obtain rental housing in Australia. These struggles have significant implications for their settlement journeys and place them at risk of re-traumatisation.
3.77Inquiry participants highlighted that many asylum seekers, refugees, and newly arrived migrants may be unable to afford rent. These groups often possess limited financial resources upon arrival in Australia and some may be ineligible for income support. Further, their ability to find stable employment may be complicated by visa restrictions. The Jesuit Refugee Service explained:
Visa precarity – characterised by a temporary or conditional migration status – often complicates an individual’s or a family’s ability to secure or maintain their tenancy. Some people facing visa precarity do not have work rights, or their visas with work rights are not renewed in a timely manner to avoid gaps in work authorisation. Without access to a financial safety net, many are left at risk of homelessness.
3.78Asylum seekers, refugees, and newly arrived migrants also face difficulties navigating the rental application process and meeting application requirements. Language barriers and a lack of familiarity with the Australian housing system can make it very challenging for these groups to understand the rental application process. Additionally, identity documents are commonly lost or destroyed when people flee their country of origin, and these people often have no ability to demonstrate their rental history.
3.79The committee also received evidence that asylum seekers, refugees, and newly arrived migrants frequently face discrimination in the private rental market based on their race, culture, migration status or English proficiency.
International students
3.80International students often face additional difficulties securing rental housing and enforcing their rights as renters.
3.81A University of Melbourne graduate student mentioned the difficulty of providing ‘detailed, individualised references’ to support a rental application given that many international students lack established connections in Australia. International students’ chances of securing a lease are further impacted by their lack of a rental history in Australia.
3.82International students are especially vulnerable to exploitation in the private rental market. This is due to a variety of factors, including:
… limited familiarity with local laws, insufficient awareness of their legal rights, language barriers that hinder effective communication, and a reliance on temporary visas that can create a sense of insecurity.
3.83Evidence to the committee demonstrated a widespread lack of awareness of tenancy rules and regulations among international students. For example, Lam, an international student renting in Victoria, said: ‘When it comes to renter rights, I don't even know where to start and search’. The Redfern Legal Centre reported that international students frequently hold misconceived fears that issues around their tenancy might impact their visa, and are therefore more reluctant to assert their legal rights.
3.84Martina testified at the public hearing in Brisbane that she was aware of international students who were living in a precarious housing situation and being exploited by their landlord:
… [my friend] has been living in a one-bedroom apartment with seven other people who are international students, and they were paying $300 to $400 for seven bodies sleeping in one small bedroom.
People exiting prison
3.85Research conducted with people exiting prison revealed that ‘securing private tenancies [is] “extremely challenging” and “for many, impossible”’. As outlined by Change the Record, these difficulties include:
… [rental] unaffordability, stigma from property managers and landlords, gaps in rental histories, lack of references, and property managers and landlords refusing to let properties to people with support animals.
3.86Submitters emphasised that the stigma associated with having been incarcerated considerably affects people’s prospects of obtaining stable employment and housing. Since people exiting prison commonly find themselves in precarious and poorly paid work, many are unable to finance the rising costs of rent.
3.87The shortage of social housing across the country heightens the risk that people exiting prison will experience homelessness and reincarceration. As uncovered by AHURI research in 2021, ‘more than half (54%) of incarcerated people leaving custody were homeless upon release’. According to the Victorian Aboriginal Housing and Homelessness Forum, homelessness and housing instability exponentially increase the risk of recidivism.
Committee view
3.88As vulnerable cohorts have the highest levels of renters, they are the most affected by the rental crisis. The committee is concerned by the evidence it received in relation to the negative impacts the rental crisis has on significant aspects of their lives.
3.89The committee acknowledges the struggles faced by those with few resources to meet the rising costs of rent and to understand and navigate the complex private rental market. The committee also notes the high level of discrimination experienced by vulnerable cohorts seeking to rent or already renting in the private market. This points to the urgent need for strengthening and adding to state and territory assistance programs supporting and advising private renters.
3.90The committee is cognisant that the current housing system can work to entrench existing inequalities and exacerbates the disadvantage faced by the most vulnerable members of our communities, placing an undue burden on private providers to accommodate the housing shortfall, without adequate supply of social and affordable housing by government. There is clear evidence that identified vulnerable cohorts face an increase in the risk of homelessness.
3.91The evidence strongly demonstrates that many people are often not adequately served by the private rental market. The current crisis is not the fault of the private landowners, who are currently being asked to carry the burden for governments’ shortfall of public and social housing. Yet, the chronic underinvestment in public housing by successive Commonwealth and State governments has meant that, at present, there are not enough viable alternatives to private renting.
3.92In this respect, the committee is encouraged by the Australian Government’s recent commitment of an additional $1 billion to support public and community housing through the National Housing Infrastructure Facility, and the ongoing funding of social and affordable housing through the Housing Australia Future Fund, including crisis housing for cohorts at risk of, or already experiencing, homelessness. The committee emphasises the need for sustained investment in social and affordable housing to meet the needs of vulnerable members of our communities.
3.93The committee recognises that specific measures and programs are required to address the additional barriers faced by vulnerable cohorts. These matters will be further explored as the inquiry progresses. The committee will continue to keep the lived experience of those affected by the rental crisis at the forefront of the inquiry. Understanding the human impact of the rental crisis is central to identifying solutions.
Recommendation 2
3.94The committee recommends the Australian Government continue investment in public, social, community and genuinely affordable housing.