Introductory Info
Date introduced: 9 December 2020
House: House of Representatives
Portfolio: Industrial Relations
Commencement: The majority of the Bill’s substantial amendments commence on the day after Royal Assent. Further detail is set out on page 7 of this Bills Digest.
The Bills Digest at
a glance
What the Bill
does
The Fair
Work Amendment (Supporting Australia’s Jobs and Economic Recovery) Bill 2020 (the Bill) amends the Fair Work Act 2009 (Fair
Work Act or the Act) with the aim of improving the operation and usability
of Australia’s national industrial relations system. The Bill has been
introduced in the context of, and is intended to respond to, Australia’s
ongoing economic recovery in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic.
The Bill’s proposed reforms primarily relate to casual
employment, flexibility under modern awards for industries impacted by
COVID-19, the making and approval of enterprise bargaining agreements,
greenfield agreements for major projects and compliance and enforcement
(including responding to wage theft). The Bill’s amendments can be grouped as
follows:
- Schedule
1 makes amendments to insert a definition of casual employment, provide for
a casual conversion process and to address issues around ‘double dipping’ with
respect to casual loading
- Schedule
2 makes amendments providing that employers covered by identified modern
awards can offer additional hours to part-time employees and issue flexible
work directions to employees
- Schedule
3 makes amendments to the current requirements around enterprise agreements
including in relation to the operation of the Better Off Overall Test (BOOT) and
agreement approval processes
- Schedule
4 make amendments to allow eight year greenfields agreement for major
projects
- Schedule
5 makes amendments in relation to compliance and enforcement including by
introducing new penalties and criminalising certain forms of wage theft
- Schedule
6 makes amendments in relation to when the FWC can dismiss applications and
vary or revoke its own decisions.
- Schedule
7 provides for relevant application, saving and transitional provisions
with respect to other parts of the Bill.
Committee
The Bill was referred to the Senate Education and Employment
Legislation Committee for inquiry and report
by 12 March 2020. The Committee recommended the Bill be passed. Dissenting
reports from the Australian Labor Party Senators and Australian Greens Senators
opposed the Bill.
Position of non-Government
parties/independents
The Bill is politically controversial. The Australian
Labor Party and the Greens oppose the Bill. Centre Alliance supports some
aspects of the Bill, but not others. Pauline Hanson’s One Nation does not
support the casual employment reforms that the Bill proposes.
Stakeholder views
The Bill has had a polarised reception from major interest
groups and stakeholders. On the whole, stakeholders on the employer side of the
debate broadly supported those amendments relating to casual employees, additional
hours agreements and flexible work directions, enterprise agreement
requirements (including amendments to the operation of the BOOT), greenfields
agreements and the FWC’s ability to deal with applications.
Employee interest groups broadly opposed the above
amendments, but did indicate broad support for those amendments relating to
wage theft and compliance and enforcement.
Purpose of
the Bill
The Fair
Work Amendment (Supporting Australia’s Jobs and Economic Recovery) Bill 2020 (the Bill) amends the Fair Work Act 2009
(Fair Work Act or the Act) with the aim of improving the operation
and usability of Australia’s national industrial relations system. The Bill has
been introduced in the context of, and is intended to respond to, Australia’s
ongoing economic recovery in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic.[1]
The Bill’s proposed reforms primarily relate to:
- casual
employment
- flexibility
under modern awards for industries impacted by COVID-19
- the
making and approval of enterprise bargaining agreements
- greenfield
agreements and major projects and
- compliance
and enforcement (including in relation to wage theft).
Structure of
the Bill
The Bill contains seven Schedules. These Schedules
primarily make the following amendments:
- Schedule
1 makes amendments to insert a definition of casual employment, provide for
a casual conversion process and to address issues around ‘double dipping’ with
respect to casual loading
- Schedule
2 makes amendments providing that employers covered by identified modern
awards can offer additional hours to part-time employees to be paid at ordinary
rates of pay, and issue flexible work directions to employees
- Schedule
3 makes amendments to the current requirements around enterprise
agreements, in particular:
- Parts
2-4 make amendments to pre-approval and voting requirements in the
enterprise agreement bargaining process
- Part
5 makes amendments to the Better Off Overall Test (BOOT)
- Part
6 provides for new National Employment Standards interaction terms to be
inserted into agreements
- Part
7 provides for the variation of single enterprise agreements to cover
eligible franchisee employers and employees
- Part
8 changes requirements as to when an application to terminate an agreement
can be made
- Part
9 limits who has standing to appear before the Fair Work Commission (FWC)
with respect to enterprise agreement matters
- Part
10 sets a time limit for the approval or variation of agreements by the FWC
- Part
11 makes amendments that provide that the FWC must perform its functions
and exercise its powers in a way that recognises the outcome of bargaining at
enterprise level
- Part
12 makes amendments in relation to how a transfer of business affects
employees
- Part
13 provides for the cessation of so-called legacy agreements
- Schedule
4 make amendments to allow eight year greenfields agreement for major
projects
- Schedule
5 makes amendments in relation to compliance and enforcement including by
introducing new penalties and criminalising certain forms of wage theft
- Schedule
6 makes amendments in relation to when the FWC can dismiss applications and
vary or revoke its own decisions and
- Schedule
7 provides for relevant application, saving and transitional provisions
with respect to other parts of the Bill.
Commencement
details
The majority of the amendments in the Bill commence on the
day after Royal Assent. The exemptions to this are as follows:
- the
amendments that will repeal the proposed flexible direction provisions (Part
3 of Schedule 2) commence two years from the day after Royal
Assent
- amendments
to the small claims procedures (Division 1 of Part 2 of Schedule
5) commence six months after Royal Assent
- amendments
that are contingent on the commencement of the Federal Circuit
and Family Court of Australia Act 2021 (Division 2 of Part 2
of Schedule 5) commence at the later of six months after Royal Assent or
the commencement of the Federal Circuit and Family Court of Australia Act
2021
- amendments
relating to prohibiting advertising employment at less than the minimum wage (Part
3 of Schedule 5) commence six months after
Royal Assent
- amendments
relating to the functions of the Fair Work Ombudsman and the Australian
Building and Construction Commissioner (Part 6 of Schedule 5)
commence six months after Royal Assent
- transitional
amendments relating to advertising employment at less than the minimum wage and
ongoing small claims proceedings (items 2 and 3 of Schedule 7)
commence six months after Royal Assent.[2]
Background
Brief history of IR
Prior to 2005, ‘Australian employers and workers were
covered by a patchwork of federal, State or Territory laws or instruments’.[3]
The Workplace
Relations Amendment (Work Choices) Act 2005, also known as the
WorkChoices reforms, represented the first attempt to bring the majority of the
industrial relations landscape under Commonwealth legislation. The then
Coalition Government intended to use the WorkChoices reforms to move towards a
national system where employers would only have to comply with one set of laws,
instead of several.[4]
To do this, the Government primarily relied on the Parliament’s corporations
power under the Constitution. This approach was upheld in the 2006 Work
Choices case.[5]
In 2007, the Labor Party won government partially on the
back of an election campaign of reversing the WorkChoices reforms.[6]
The Workplace
Relations Amendment (Transition to Forward with Fairness) Act 2008 was
a piece of transitional legislation introduced by the Rudd Government as a
precursor to the introduction of the Fair Work Act. While key aspects of
the WorkChoices reforms were removed, the concept of a national industrial
relations system remained.
The Fair Work Act subsequently replaced the
previous industrial relations framework under the Workplace Relations Act
and is the basis of the current industrial relations system, or ‘national
system’, in Australia. One key aspect of the national system framework is the
National Employment Standards (NES) – these are the ten minimum standards and
entitlements that apply to ‘national system employees’.[7]
The NES include minimum entitlements, for example in relation to maximum weekly
work hours, leave and redundancy pay.[8]
While most Australian employees are covered by the
national workplace relations system, there remain certain categories of
employees that are covered by state laws, such as certain public sector and
local government workers.[9]
It should be noted that employees and employers that fall outside the national
workplace relations system will not be affected by the reforms in the Bill.
While there have been several amendments to the Fair
Work Act, there have been only two wholesale and major reviews of the
framework. In its 2012 evaluation of the Fair Work legislation (the Fair
Work Act and the Workplace Relations Amendment (Transition to Forward
with Fairness) Act 2008), Towards more productive and equitable
workplaces, the Review Panel made 53 proposals for reform. The Review Panel
however noted that the laws were working well and the system of enterprise
bargaining that underpins the NES and modern awards was delivering fairness to
employers and employees.[10]
The Productivity Commission
similarly conducted a review into the workplace relations system in 2015.[11]
The Inquiry report produced a long list of recommendations, however again noted
that Australia’s industrial relations system was not ‘systemically
dysfunctional’ and only required ‘repair’ in certain respects, not replacement.[12]
Some of the recommendations in these reviews have been
actioned, whereas others have not.[13]
The Government contends that some of the amendments in the Bill are aimed at
addressing concerns put forward by these two comprehensive reviews.[14]
For the most part however, the amendments in the Bill are not made in response
to the recommendations in these reviews.
Context of Bill
The Bill’s introduction comes in the wake of the broader
response to the COVID-19 pandemic and the Government’s desire to address the
‘economic crisis’ that the pandemic has caused.[15]
The proposed reforms to Australia’s industrial relations system as part of the
Government’s wider response to COVID-19 were flagged relatively early in the
pandemic year. In a speech to the National Press Club on 26 May 2020, the Prime
Minister noted:
Our industrial relations system has settled into a
complacency of unions seeking marginal benefits and employers closing down
risks, often by simply not employing anyone.
The system has lost sight of its purpose - to get the
workplace settings right, so the enterprise, the business can succeed, so everybody
can fairly benefit from their efforts and their contributions.
…
The extent of the damage wrought by Covid-19 on the
Australian economy, and the enormity of the challenge we now face to get
Australians back into jobs, means the policy priorities for recovery will be
different to those in place before this crisis.
We now have a shared opportunity to fix systemic problems
and to realise gains as a matter of urgency to get more people back into work.[16]
(Emphasis added)
During this address, the Prime Minister announced that the
Minister for Industrial Relations would lead and chair five working groups to
formulate a practical reform agenda for the industrial relations system.[17]
The five working groups and their membership were as
follows:
Group 1 – Casuals
Employer organisations: Australian Chamber of Commerce
and Industry (ACCI), Ai Group, Council of Small Business Associations of
Australia (COSBOA), Australian Retailers Association (ARA), Australian Higher
Education Industrial Association.
Unions: Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU),
National Tertiary Education Union (NTEU), Australian Nursing and Midwifery
Federation (ANMF), United Workers Union (UWU), Health Services Union (HSU).
Group 2 – Award Simplification
Employer organisations: ACCI, Ai Group, COSBOA,
Australian Hotels Association (AHA), National Retail Association (NRA).
Unions: ACTU (2 reps), UWU, Australian Workers Union
(AWU), Shop Distributive and Allied Employees Association (SDA).
Group 3 – Enterprise Agreement Making
Employer organisations: ACCI, Ai Group, AMMA
Australian Resources and Energy Group, Business Council of Australia (BCA),
Master Builders Australia (MBA).
Unions: ACTU, SDA, Community and Public Sector Union
(CPSU), Transport Workers Union (TWU), Electrical Trades Union (ETU).
Group 4 – Compliance and Enforcement
Employer organisations: ACCI, Ai Group, National
Farmers Federation (NFF), COSBOA, AHA.
Unions: ACTU (2 reps), Finance Sector Union (FSU),
Australian Services Union (ASU), Independent Education Union (IEU).
Group 5 – Greenfields Agreements
Employer organisations: ACCI, AMMA, Minerals Council
of Australia (MCA), Australian Constructors Association (ACA), MBA.
Unions: ACTU, Construction Forestry Mining Maritime
and Energy Union (CFMMEU), AWU, Australian Manufacturing Workers Union (AMWU),
ETU.[18]
The five working groups reflect the subject matter of the
five substantive reform related schedules in the Bill.
Even though the context for the current Bill is the
response to the COVID-19 pandemic, it should be noted that the proposal for
reform to industrial relations under this Government predates the pandemic. In
2019, the Attorney-General and Minister for Industrial Relations launched a
review of the industrial relations system, particularly in relation to casual employment
related reforms.[19]
Similarly, the Government consulted on wage theft reforms in 2019.[20]
Both of these subject matters are addressed by the Bill.
Not wholesale reforms
As noted above, the most recent comprehensive reviews of
the Australian industrial relations framework have pointed out that while there
are opportunities for reform, the system as a whole is broadly operating well.
Perhaps because of this, and because of the politically fraught nature of
pursuing substantive industrial relations reforms, the Government is not
pursuing wholesale reforms in this Bill. The Minister for Industrial Relations argues
that the reforms are:
… founded on a series of practical, incremental solutions to
key issues that are known barriers to creating jobs.[21]
The Minister has also noted that the amendments are aimed at
what the Government considers to be a middle ground:
So the ideological IR brigade will write that it's, you know,
just tinkering around the edges and it's too modest. Some people will describe
it as radical. It's clearly neither of those two things. It's very
consequential change, but it's clearly not revolutionary change to the system.
It's incremental consequential change that can possibly - in fact we think
hopefully - have a passage through Parliament, create jobs by removing barriers
to job growth.[22]
The industrial relations debate
Any more than minor reform to the industrial relations
framework in Australia is politically controversial and often causes a clash of
ideological views. Professor Andrew Stewart notes the following around the
purpose of employment laws which may be useful to consider in the context of
the current Bill:
The view that employment regulation needs to avoid imposing
undue burdens on businesses or hampering attempts to lift productivity and competitiveness
has been widely accepted …
Nonetheless, a clear divide has opened up. On one side are
those who continue to espouse the need for protective regulation of one sort or
another. They reject the idea that labour is a commodity, and consider ‘decent’
working conditions as a fundamental human right. On the other are business and
political groups … who believe that radical reforms are necessary to promote
greater ‘freedom’ and ‘choice’.[23]
This difference in opinion on the purpose of regulating the
industrial relations framework reflects the views of various stakeholders as
discussed in this Digest.
Committee
consideration
Senate Education and Employment
Legislation Committee
The Bill was referred to the Senate Education and
Employment Legislation Committee for inquiry and report by 12 March 2020.
Details of the inquiry are at the inquiry
homepage.
The majority Committee report recommended that the Bill be
passed – arguing that the Bill will address barriers to job creation, wages and
economic growth in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic.[24]
The Committee noted that it was encouraged by the broad support for the Bill
‘from those stakeholders who will be responsible for decisions around whether
to hire workers and pay higher wages in coming months and years, and their
confirmation that the measures in the bill will assist in delivering these
outcomes’.[25]
The Labor Senators produced a dissenting report
recommending that the Bill be rejected in its current form, arguing that the
Bill does not meet a ‘holistic public interest test’.[26]
The Labor Senators argued that the Bill ‘panders’ to big business and will only
benefit a small set of stakeholders in the Australian economy.[27]
The Australian Green Senators also produced a dissenting
report opposing the Bill on the basis that it will entrench insecure work,
reduce wages and increase the power of employers.[28]
The Australian Greens Senators recommended the Senate instead pass the
Australian Greens Bills: the Fair
Work Amendment (Tackling Job Insecurity) Bill 2018 and the Fair
Work Amendment (Making Australia More Equal) Bill 2018.[29]
Senate Standing Committee for the
Scrutiny of Bills
The Senate Standing Committee for the Scrutiny of Bills
(Scrutiny of Bill Committee) noted that the Bill provided for some significant
matters in delegated legislation. The Committee requested the Minister’s
detailed advice on why it was necessary and appropriate for delegated
legislation to be used for:
- the
prescription of the model NES interaction term (Part 6 of Schedule 3 of
the Bill)
- the
prescription of matters relating to the content or form of, and manner of
providing to employees, a Casual Employment Information Statement (item 5 of
Schedule 1 of the Bill) and
- other
purposes for which additional agreed hours are to be treated as ordinary hours
of work (proposed paragraph 168Q(4)(e) as inserted by item 5 of Schedule
2 of the Bill).[30]
The Scrutiny of Bills Committee also drew proposed
subsection 23B(5) of the Act, as inserted by Schedule 4
of the Bill to the attention of Senators and left it to the Senate to consider
the appropriateness of this provision.[31]
This provision allows the Minister to declare major projects in a non-disallowable
instrument (the provision is discussed further in the key issues and provisions
section below, under the Schedule 4 subheading).
The Scrutiny of Bills Committee also requested the
Minister’s justification for amendments removing the requirement for the
consent of parties to conduct an appeal or review by the FWC without a hearing
(amendments made by item 3 of Schedule 6 of the Bill).[32]
The Committee further requested advice from the Minister around the necessity
for retrospective application in relation to the casual employee amendments (proposed
clauses 45 and 46 of Schedule 1 to the Act, as inserted by
item 1 of Schedule 7) – the Committee has asked for advice on the
extent to which the retrospective effect may have an adverse impact on
individuals.[33]
All of these provisions are also discussed in the ‘Key issues and provisions’
section of this Digest.
Policy
position of non-government parties/independents
The Australian Labor Party (ALP) strongly opposes the
Bill. The ALP’s initial criticism of the Bill focused on its amendments
relating to a new exemption to the BOOT, arguing that the amendments to the
test would lead to wages for certain employees being lowered.[34]
As discussed below in this Digest, the Government subsequently decided to
remove these controversial amendments. The ALP however has made clear that even
with the removal of the amendments to the BOOT, it will not support the Bill.[35]
The ALP’s concerns include the following:
- the
Bill’s amendments in relation to casual employees will actually entrench
casualisation
- the
additional hours agreement provisions are not voluntary in a ‘real world’ sense
as the hours would just go to someone who does agree to them
- flexibility
direction provisions in relation to certain awards represent a removal of
protections for workers
- the
enterprise agreement amendments represent a ‘permanent cut to rights’
- the
amendments relating to greenfields agreements that would lock in an agreement
for eight years would have negative impact on wages, conditions and workforce
rights
- the
wage theft provisions weaken existing laws in Victoria and Queensland
- on
the whole the Bill ‘attacks job security and attacks pay’.[36]
The Australian Greens (the Greens) strongly oppose the
Bill. The Greens leader, Adam Bandt, argues in his second reading speech that
the measures in the Bill would increase insecure work:
… because … this bill does three key things. The first is
that it lets employers call you casual even if you're not, and there's nothing
you can do about it. The second is that it spells the beginning of the end of
full-time work contracts, because it introduces into the system a new form of
contract where the employer can employ you part time and then put your hours up
or down as the employer wants. And the third thing it does that the government
doesn't tell you about is take an already difficult process of bargaining for
better wages and conditions and tilt it even further in the employer's favour,
making it harder for you to ask in your workplace for what you're entitled to.[37]
Mr Bandt also proposed amendments in the House of Representatives
aimed at tackling job insecurity.[38]
Pauline Hanson’s One Nation (PHON) has argued that the
Bill does not represent ‘genuine reform’ and is aimed at ‘big business’ and the
‘IR Club’ rather than small to medium employers.[39]
PHON’s Industrial Relations spokesperson, Senator Malcom Roberts, noted that
the Bill’s casual employee related provisions in particular have the effect of “trashing
the ‘long term flexible but predictable’ casual employment arrangements that
suited many small business employers and employees”.[40]
Senator Roberts has argued that the Bill will hurt business and affect pay and
working conditions – he has called for substantial amendments to the Bill.[41]
Independent MP Zali Steggall flagged some issues with the
Bill, but noted that these issues were not outweighed by its benefits,
especially by benefiting small businesses through making the industrial
relations system more streamlined and efficient.[42]
Ms Steggall therefore gave her support to the Bill but asked the Government to
look at further changes proposed by the Law Council of Australia and the
Business Council of Australia.[43]
Conversely, independent MP Helen Haines opposed the Bill, noting that she did
not think it was ‘unsalvageable’, but felt there was more work on the Bill to
be done.[44]
Bob Katter of Katter’s Australian Party voted against the Bill in the House of
Representatives.[45]
Rebekha Sharkie, of the Centre Alliance, noted in relation
to the Bill: ‘there appear to be elements that have merit and some that I
believe must be addressed and/or rejected outright’.[46]
Ms Sharkie supported the proposed definition of casual employee and some of the
compliance and enforcement provisions in the Bill. Ms Sharkie however did not
support the additional hours agreement provisions, noting that while these
agreements require consent, that does not recognise ‘the power imbalance
between workers and employers. The government's defence that any additional
hours must be by agreement I just don't believe is correct’.[47] Ms
Sharkie urged the Government to ‘pull apart’ the Bill in the House of
Representatives given its many ‘fair and reasonable’ elements, noting that she
could not support the Bill if this did not occur. She has also urged the Government
‘to go back to the table, sit down with unions and sit down with employer
groups’ in relation to the Bill.[48]
Position of
major interest groups
The Bill has had a polarised reception from major interest
groups and stakeholders. This polarisation largely reflects the traditional
split between peak bodies and groups that represent employer and industry
interests against those groups who represent employee interests. As such, few
parts of the Bill have received wholesale support from across this spectrum.
On the whole, stakeholders on the employer side of the
debate broadly supported those amendments relating to casual employees (Schedule
1 of the Bill), enabling additional hours agreements and flexible work
directions under identified modern awards (Schedule 2), changes relating
to enterprise agreement requirements (including amendments to the operation of
the BOOT – Schedule 3 of the Bill), amendments relating to greenfields
agreements (Schedule 4) and amendments relating to the FWC’s ability to
deal with applications (Schedule 6). Conversely, reflecting the
polarisation in the industrial relations debate, employee interest groups
broadly opposed these amendments.
The amendments in Schedule 5 relating to wage theft
and compliance and enforcement had general support from employee interest
groups, however did not have this support from employer interest groups.
The Senate Education and Employment Legislation Committee
received 132 submissions in response to the inquiry to the Bill, perhaps
indicating the high level of interest in the Bill as one of the more
significant industrial relations reform proposals in recent years.[49]
Comments by certain significant stakeholders on specific
proposed sections of the Bill are noted in the relevant Key Issues and
Provisions sections below. This Digest attempts to provide a balance by
providing views from both employer representative and employee representative
sides of the spectrum on the Bill’s various amendments. For the most part this
Digest has taken the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) submission as
generally reflective of the employee representative side of the debate – this
is because the ACTU is the peak body for Australian unions; multiple employee
representative groups endorsed the ACTU’s submission in their own submission.[50]
Where possible, this Digest has also discussed other views on the Bill from
think tanks and academics.
Financial
implications
The Government advises that the measures in the Bill are
estimated to have a minor financial impact and will be reported once costings
have been finalised.[51]
Statement of Compatibility with Human Rights
As required under Part 3 of the Human Rights
(Parliamentary Scrutiny) Act 2011 (Cth), the Government has assessed the
Bill’s compatibility with the human rights and freedoms recognised or declared
in the international instruments listed in section 3 of that Act. The
Government considers that the Bill is compatible.[52]
Parliamentary Joint Committee on
Human Rights
The Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights (PJCHR)
reported on the Bill in its second report of 2021.[53]
The PJCHR sought the Minister’s advice on some specific amendments in the Bill.
In particular, the PJCHR:
- sought
further advice from the Minister on a range of matters in order to assess
whether the proposed additional hours agreements are compatible with the rights
to work, just and favourable conditions of work and equality and
non-discrimination (including whether the measure will have a disproportionate
impact on women)[54]
- sought
further advice from the Minister on a range of matters in order to determine
whether the flexible work directions proposal is proportionate in relation to
human rights[55]
- sought
further advice from the Minister on a range of matter to assess whether the
greenfield agreements amendments are compatible with human rights[56]
- sought
further advice from the Minister on a range of matters to assess whether the
amendments in Schedule 6 would be compatible with the right to a
fair hearing.[57]
As of the time of writing this Digest, the Minister’s
response to these matters had not been published.[58]
Key issues
and provisions
Schedule 1 -
Casual employment reforms
Background on how casual employment
is defined
Modern awards, enterprise agreements and employers usually
define casual employment as employment where the employee is paid and engaged
as a casual employee. The FWC has noted that as a matter of practice:
… most modern awards permit persons to be employed as casuals
on the basis that they are engaged and paid as such – that is, casual
employment for award purposes is usually no more than a method of payment
selected by the employer and accepted by the employee at the point of
engagement … the evidence of the practical position is overwhelmingly that
persons engaged on a casual basis are not afforded the NES entitlements we have
referred to [that is, paid annual leave, paid personal/carer’s leave, paid compassionate
leave, payment for public holidays not worked, notice of termination of
employment or payment in lieu thereof, and redundancy pay], and are paid an
award casual loading in lieu of these entitlements.[59]
(Emphasis added)
The Attorney-General’s Department (AGD) also notes that
historically, general industrial practice has aligned with this description of
casual employees in most modern awards – namely being employees that are
engaged as casuals and paid a casual loading.[60]
The categorisation of an employee is important as it
determines what sort of statutory entitlements are available (and not
available) to them, in particular in relation to the NES.
Currently, there is no legislative definition of a ‘casual
employee’ or a ‘casual worker’. However, there is a long standing definition of
casual employment at common law. A long line of cases, going back to at least
1936,[61]
has considered the question of how casual employment should be defined. Terms
such as ‘casual worker’ are not precise terms, but rather ‘colloquial
expressions’[62]
– in effect this means that the true legal relationship between the parties needs
to be determined on a case by case basis. A number of criteria can be
considered, including whether the employment consists of irregular work
patterns, discontinuity, uncertainty, intermittency of work and
unpredictability.[63]
For example, whether or not employees have consistent start and finish times
may affect whether or not they are considered casual employees.[64]
In short, the common law definition of casual employment is
employment where there is the absence of a firm advance commitment as to the
duration of the employee’s employment or the days (or hours) the employee will
work, as determined by the actual conduct of the parties.[65]
Despite definitions in the modern award, simply being engaged as a casual does
not mean that a person is a casual employee under the common law.
Two recent court cases in particular – Workpac v Skene
(Skene) and Workpac v Rossato (Rossato) have brought the
common law approach to casual employment to the fore. The amendments in Schedule
1 of the Bill can be seen in part as a direct response to these two
decisions.
In Skene, the Federal Court held that definitions
of employment in modern awards cannot override the common law definition of
casual employment. This is because:
It ought to be presumed that where Parliament
is prepared to cede control over a significant definition used in the National
Employment Standards to the FWC or to industrial parties making enterprise
agreements, it would do so expressly. That is particularly so given the
consequences which that course is likely to entail. Delegating to the FWC and
to the makers of enterprise agreements the power to define who is a casual
employee for the purposes of the National Employment Standards would likely
result in a substantial differentiation in the accessibility of those Standards
to some employees as opposed to others, despite the fact that the true nature
of the employments of all is the same. Alternatively, it may result in the
access of the same employees varying over time, as new enterprise agreements
are made, despite the fact that the true nature of those employments has not
altered.[69]
As noted in the case summary above, the Skene case
found that an employee who was characterised as a casual worker was in fact not
a casual worker under the common law and so could access certain entitlements
under the Fair Work Act. Specifically, Mr Skene was found to be entitled
to annual leave as provided for by the NES, despite the fact that he had been
engaged as a casual worker.
In May 2020, the Rossato case upheld the reasoning
in the Skene case, in finding that the Court should look to the
substance over the form of an employment relationship when determining access
to statutory entitlements – the Court held that this is best achieved by
assessing the facts as they stand at the time (as opposed to the written
contract entered into at the outset of the relationship).[70]
The decision is currently being challenged in the High Court.[71]
Both cases reinforced the idea that casual employment was
based on the lack of a firm advance commitment to continuing and indefinite
work according to an agreed pattern of work, as determined by the actual
conduct of the parties.[76]
These cases triggered significant commentary and concern from some stakeholders
(largely representing the views of employer interests).[77]
Proposed definition – casual
employee
In the context of the above court decisions, the Bill
introduces a definition of casual employee into the Fair Work
Act for the first time. Proposed section 15A of the Act (at item
2 of Schedule 1 to the Bill) stipulates that a person is a casual
employee of an employer where:
- there
is an offer of employment made on the basis that the employer makes no firm
advance commitment to continuing and indefinite work according to an agreed
pattern of work
- the
person accepts the offer on that basis and
- the
person is an employee as a result of that acceptance.
The definition contains one of the key features that the
courts have determined defines casual employment – namely the absence of a firm
advance commitment to continuing and indefinite work. However, the
definition departs from the common law in that it prioritises the form of the
employment relationship over its substance.
In determining whether there is no such firm advance
commitment, only the following criteria can be considered:
- whether
the employer can elect to offer work and whether the person can elect to accept
or reject work
- whether
the person will work only as required
- whether
the employment is described as casual employment and
- whether
the person will be entitled to a casual loading or a specific rate of pay for
casual employees under the terms of the offer or a fair work instrument.[78]
The first two criteria align closely with how no firm
advance commitment may be found at common law.[79]
The last criteria however explicitly goes against the findings in Skene and
Rossato as those two cases found that a person was a casual employee,
even where they may have received a loading rate.
In addition, the third criteria again privileges the
employment contract and the nature of engagement in relation to the
employee over any substantive analysis of the employment relationship. This is
reinforced by proposed subsections 15A(3) and 15A(4) that provide for
the avoidance of doubt:
- a
regular pattern of hours does not of itself indicate a firm advance
commitment to continuing and indefinite work according to an agreed pattern of
work and
- the
question of whether a person is a casual employee of an employer is to be
assessed on the basis of the offer of employment and the acceptance of that offer,
not on the basis of any subsequent conduct of either party.
Proposed subsection 15A(3) in particular overturns
the current approach at common law where an agreed pattern of ordinary hours of
work is central in determining whether casual employment does not exist.[80]
These amendments are aimed at providing certainty to
employers by ensuring that an employee’s status is determined at the point of
engagement rather than an assessment of the employment relationship over time.[81]
The AGD notes the common law approach to defining casual employment means that
an employee’s legal status can shift over time, leading to the requirement to
pay certain NES entitlements at a certain point.[82]
This means that employees and employers have to
continuously evaluate their relationship to understand their relevant
entitlements and obligations.[83]
The AGD argues that the proposed definition of casual employment would lead to
significant regulatory cost savings for employers who would no longer have to
assess the nature of an employment relationship on an ongoing basis.[84]
This proposed statutory definition of casual employment
will extend to offers of employment made before the commencement of the
provision.[85]
However the amended definition will not apply to employees who have been the
subject of a binding court order made before commencement in relation to their
employment status.[86]
This means that the decision with respect to the employee in the Skene case
for example cannot be overturned. While the Rossato decision is being
appealed to the High Court, the High Court would need to consider the legality
of what would otherwise have been a binding decision of the Federal Court – any
addition of a legislated definition of casual employment in the interim would likely
also not affect this case.
Background to casual conversion
Following its decision to reverse the WorkChoices reforms,
the then Labor Government introduced the Workplace Relations Amendment
(Transition to Forward with Fairness) Act 2008 as a transitional piece of
legislation ahead of the introduction of the Fair Work Act. Part 10A of
the Workplace Relations Act, as amended by this transitional
legislation, required the Australian Industrial Relations Commission (AIRC) (a
precursor to the FWC) to ‘modernise’ industrial awards – with the aim of making
them simple to understand and easy to apply.[87]
As part of this award modernisation process, the AIRC
indicated that provisions for casual conversion would be maintained in awards
where they had become an ‘industry standard’ (such as in manufacturing).[88]
In July 2017, the FWC decided to include a model casual
conversion clause in 85 modern awards that did not already provide for
conversion.[89]
These award variations took effect on 1 October 2018.[90]
The model casual conversion clause provides that a casual employee who has
worked a regular pattern of hours in the previous 12 months can request to
have their employment converted to full time or part time.[91]
The request can only be refused by the employer on reasonable grounds,
including the following:
- it
would require a significant adjustment to the casual employee’s hours of work
in order for the employee to be engaged as a full-time or part-time employee
- it
is known or reasonably foreseeable that the regular casual employee’s position
will cease to exist within the next 12 months
- it
is known or reasonably foreseeable that the hours of work which the regular
casual employee is required to perform will be significantly reduced in the
next 12 months
- it
is known or reasonably foreseeable that there will be a significant change in
the days and/or times at which the employee’s hours of work are required to be
performed in the next 12 months which cannot be accommodated within the days
and/or hours during which the employee is available to work.[92]
Casual conversion under the Bill
Item 3 of Schedule 1 inserts proposed
Division 4A into Part 2-2 of the Fair Work Act, which
provides a legislated process for offers and requests for conversion for casual
employees.
Proposed subsection 66B(1) provides that an
employer must make a casual conversion offer where:
- the
employee has been employed for a period of 12 months and
- during
at least the last six months of that period, the employee has worked a regular
pattern of hours on an ongoing basis which, without significant adjustment, the
employee could continue to work as a full-time or part-time employee.
The process differs from the model casual conversion
clause in two key ways. Firstly, the process centres on the employer making the
offer for conversion, as opposed to an employee making a request. Secondly, the
proposed amendment shortens the period of service required to show a regular
pattern of work.
The AGD argues that the amendments strengthen the ability
to access casual conversion and that by eliminating barriers to conversion for
employees, conversion to ongoing employment will likely increase.[93]
The requirement for an employer offer for conversion responds to concerns that
workers may be reluctant to make a request due to perceived negative
consequences.[94]
In addition, while many awards already have casual conversion clauses, the
proposed process will also extend to those employees covered by awards and
enterprise agreements with no such clause as well as to award/agreement free
employees.[95]
A casual conversion offer is not required where there are
reasonable grounds not to make the offer. This includes where it is known or
foreseeable:
- the
employee’s position will cease to exist within 12 months
- the
hours of work which the employee is required to perform will be significantly
reduced in that period
- there
will be a significant change in the days or times of work (or both) which
cannot be accommodated within the days or times the employee is available to
work or
- making
the offer would not comply with a recruitment or selection process required by
or under a law of the Commonwealth or a state or a territory.[96]
These grounds are similar to those found in the model
conversion clause, with the addition of the criteria around public sector
employment laws. The Explanatory Memorandum notes that this provision is for
the avoidance of doubt to ensure that offers for casual conversion are not
required where they would be inconsistent with statutory obligations relating
to public sector recruitment.[97]
The Bill’s amendments also require the Fair Work Ombudsman
to prepare and publish a Casual Employment Information Statement that includes
information on the meaning of casual employee and the operation of the casual
conversion provisions.[98]
An employer must give this statement to employees who are engaged as casual
employees at the start of their employment.[99]
The regulations can prescribe matters that should be in the statement or the
way in which the statement should be given to employees.[100]
Residual right to request casual
conversion
The Bill provides casual employees with the right to make
a request for casual conversion where they have been employed for at least 12
months and have worked a regular pattern of hours during the previous six
months on an ongoing basis which, without significant adjustment, the employee
could continue to work as a full-time or part-time employee.[101]
This request can be made provided that, in the six months prior to the
employee’s request:
- an
employer offer has not already been made and rejected
- the
employer has not notified the employee that a conversion offer would not be
made on reasonable grounds or
- the
employer has not already rejected a conversion request.[102]
The employer must give the employee a written response
within 21 days of receiving the request for casual conversion, stating whether
the request is granted or refused.[103]
It is not clear however if there are any consequences if an employer does not
respond within this timeframe.
The employer must not refuse this request unless the
employee has been consulted with and there are reasonable grounds to reject the
request. These grounds reflect those set out above in relation to where an
offer of casual conversion is not required.[104]
Dispute resolution
Proposed section 66M provides a process for
resolution of disputes between an employer and an employee in relation to the
casual conversion provisions. In the first instance, the parties must attempt
to resolve the dispute at the workplace level through discussion between the
parties.[105]
If these discussions fail, then a party can refer the dispute to the FWC, which
is required to deal with the dispute by any method it considers appropriate, including
by mediation, conciliation, making a recommendation or expressing an opinion.[106]
The dispute can also be dealt with by arbitration with the parties’ consent.[107]
This requirement for consent to arbitration has been a point of criticism from
the ALP, who have stated that this may mean that if conversion is refused an
employee’s only remedy may be to take the matter to the Federal Court.[108]
The proposed dispute resolution provisions however do not
apply where a procedure is provided for under an employee’s contract, written
agreement or the fair work instrument under which they are covered.[109]
The dispute resolution provisions in the Bill appear to be consistent with procedures
set out in modern awards. The Hospitality Industry (General) Award 2020
and the Fast Food Industry Award 2010 for example both provide that
disputes should first be resolved through workplace discussion if possible, and
failing this the dispute can be referred to the FWC to be dealt with (including
by consent arbitration).[110]
Both of these awards would likely cover a large number of casual workers.[111]
Casual loading amounts and ‘double
dipping’
Background to casual loading
In the first part of the 20th century, it became standard
practice for awards to impose a ‘loading’ on the wage rate for casuals in order
to deter employers from engaging too many casual workers.[112]
The casual loading rate has since been standardised at 25% under the modern
award system.[113]
The FWC’s National Minimum Wage Order, made under section 285 of the Fair
Work Act, provides for a casual loading for employees not covered by an
award or an agreement – this rate is similarly set at 25%.[114]
The payment of casual loading rates was an issue in both
the Skene and Rossato cases. In Skene, one of WorkPac’s
arguments against the employee’s (Mr Skene) argument that he was a permanent
full-time employee was in relation to ‘double dipping’. Workpac essentially argued
that as casual employees are paid loading rates under the relevant award to
compensate for the NES entitlements that are not available to them, if the
general law meaning of ‘casual employee’ is used then ‘double dipping’ can occur
where employees engaged as casual are still held to be entitled to NES
entitlements.[115]
WorkPac argued that this was unlikely to have been the intention of the
legislature.[116]
The Court noted in Skene that it was not clear
whether Mr Skene had been paid a casual loading at all.[117]
In any case, the Court noted that the payment of casual loading alone does not
provide a basis for excluding employees from the NES.[118]
The Court noted however that if Mr Skene was paid a loading in lieu of his
annual leave entitlements, it could be said that he was paid twice for the same
entitlement.[119]
In response to the Skene decision, the Government
introduced the Fair
Work Amendment (Casual Loading Offset) Regulations 2018 (Offset Regulations) which formalised the ability
for employers to offset any loadings paid in lieu of NES entitlements to
employees who were engaged as casuals but who were in fact non-casual
employees. It has been noted that the Offset Regulations do ‘little more than
capture the current common law position’ as the decision in Skene ‘contemplated
that an employer may make a claim to offset a casual loading in an appropriate
case’.[120]
In the Rossato case, WorkPac sought to claim back
casual loading amounts paid to its employee Mr Rossato on the basis of the
common law right to ‘set off’ as well as on the basis of the Offsetting
Regulations. In relation to the WorkPac’s reliance on the Offsetting
Regulations, the Court found that the Offsetting Regulations apply where an
employee is making a claim to be paid an amount ‘in lieu of’ an NES
entitlement.[121]
The Court found that Mr Rossato was in fact not making claims for amounts ‘in
lieu of’ NES entitlements, but instead was seeking payment of the entitlements
themselves.[122]
The Court found therefore that the Regulations could not apply to allow
offsetting to occur in this case.[123]
WorkPac’s common law argument to set off the casual
loading amounts also failed, with the Court noting that there was no close
relationship between the payments made to Mr Rossato and his leave
entitlements.[124]
Amendments to casual loading
The Rossato decision led to a negative reaction
from employer groups, and in particular highlighted that loading given to employees
needs to clearly identify the entitlements that are being set off. Similarly,
the case highlighted the limitation of the Offsetting Regulations in providing
the ability for employers to offset loading paid to employees who they had
engaged as casuals.[125]
The Minister for Industrial Relations reportedly noted the following in the
wake of that decision:
Given the potential for this decision to further weaken the
economy at a time when so many Australians have lost their jobs, it may also be
necessary to consider legislative options.[126]
Item 6 inserts proposed section 545A into
the Fair Work Act to address these concerns around ‘double dipping’. Proposed
section 545A applies where:
- an
employee is engaged as a casual employee and is paid an identifiable loading
amount to compensate for not receiving relevant entitlements
during their employment period[127]
and
- is
subsequently found not to be a casual employee during the employment period and
makes a claim for their entitlements.
In these circumstances a court, when making orders in
relation to the claim, must reduce any amount payable by the
employer to the person for the relevant entitlements by the loading amount,
however the amount payable must not be below zero.[128]
Proposed subsection 545A(3) further provides that
the claim amount can also be reduced by an amount equal to a proportion of the
loading amount if the court considers it appropriate, having regard only to:
- the
terms of the fair work instrument/ contract which specifies the entitlements that
are being compensated by the loading amount and the proportion of the loading
that can be attributed to these entitlements. If a proportion is not specified,
the Court can consider what would be an appropriate proportion of the loading
attributable to the relevant entitlements that are outlined or
- if
there are no such terms, all of the relevant entitlements and the
proportion of the loading amount that is considered appropriate to attribute to
these entitlements.
In effect, proposed subsection 545A(3) appears
aimed at employers who provide a ‘single rate’ of loading, such as was the case
in Rossato. As highlighted above, in the Rossato case the Court
could not find a sufficient link to the loadings paid and the entitlements
claimed – the amendments however allow the Courts to consider the appropriate
proportion of the loading that should be attributed to the entitlements
claimed.
The amendments in the Bill are drafted in similar language
to the Offsetting Regulations, and so may have similar limitations in
preventing ‘double dipping’ in light of the Rossato decision.[129]
However, it should be noted that proposed section 545A does not apply
where an employee is seeking payment ‘in lieu’ of their entitlements as
non-casual employees, but instead applies where an employee is simply seeking
payment for their entitlements. The removal of the phrase ‘in lieu’
which seemed central to the decision in Rossato could arguably create a
different outcome.
Transitional arrangements and
application provisions
Schedule 7 of the Bill provides for application and
transitional provisions for the Bill as a whole. Of particular note are the
transitional arrangements provided for the casual employee reforms in Schedule
1. Some of the key aspects of these provisions are as follows:
- Proposed
clause 45 of Schedule 1 to the Act, at item 1 of Schedule 7 to
the Bill provides that employers, employees or employee organisations can apply
for the FWC to make a determination to vary an enterprise agreement made
before commencement of the reforms to resolve any uncertainty regarding the
interaction of the agreement with the proposed definition of casual employee
and proposed casual conversion process
- Proposed
clause 46 of Schedule 1 to the Act, at item 1 of Schedule 7 provides:
- existing
employees that would have met the proposed statutory definition of casual
employment when engaged (or when given an offer of employment) will be
considered casual employees both at the commencement of the Bill and retrospectively
(this does not apply to employees who were the subject of a binding court
decision or converted their status prior to commencement)
- employees
that are retrospectively deemed casual employees, who could have otherwise made
a claim for accrued entitlements, will not be able to do so
- Proposed
clause 47 of Schedule 1 to the Act, at item 1 of Schedule 7 provides
a six month transitional period where employers musts assess existing casual
employees against conversion eligibility criteria (this includes employees
designated as ‘casual’ but who may not meet the proposed statutory definition)
and offer conversion, unless reasonable not to do so
- Proposed
clause 48 of Schedule 1 to the Act, at item 1 of Schedule 7 requires
the FWC, within a six month period after commencement, to review modern awards
in force at commencement that make provision for casual employment, and vary
their terms which are inconsistent with the proposed amendments.
The Government argues that retrospectivity with respect to
some of the transitional amendments is important as the reforms :
… will address the issue of widespread reliance by employers
and employees on a mistaken belief about the nature of the parties’ casual
employment relationships. Without these amendments, significant costly and
time-intensive court processes would be needed to determine the appropriate
rights and obligations of employers and employees in these situations, imposing
significant burdens on both employers and employees.[130]
The Law Council argues however that while the
retrospective application of these amendments will create greater certainty for
employers, it will have the effect of altering the status of current employees
(including those entitled to leave) and will remove the rights of employees who
have matters before the court, but where a binding decision has not yet been
made.[131]
The Law Council also points to the general principle against the enactment of
retrospective laws in opposing these amendments.[132]
Stakeholder views
The National Retail Association was supportive of the
amendments relating to casual employment, noting the Bill provides certainty by
giving paramountcy to the intention of the contracting parties.[133]
The Association is of the view however that the Bill should follow the general
awards process for conversion where a request is made by an employee for casual
conversion (as opposed to an offer made by an employer).[134]
The Restaurant and Catering Industry Association strongly supports the casual
conversion provisions, noting that it has long relied on large numbers of
casual employees across its workforce.[135]
The Minerals Council of Australia is supportive of the Bill’s casual employee
reforms.[136]
Similarly, the Council of Small Business Organisations Australia supports the
amendments and notes the proposed definition provides certainty to employers.[137]
The Chamber of Commerce and Industry WA is broadly supportive
of the casual employee amendments but wants the casual conversion provisions to
be simplified to reduce unnecessary administrative burden on employers.[138]
The Chamber also wants the reasonable grounds for refusal of conversion to be
based on probable rather than definitive outcomes (for example the criteria to
be satisfied should be whether the employee’s position is likely to cease in 12
months, rather than whether it will cease).[139]
The Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry is
supportive of the amendments but recommended some legislative ‘improvements’.[140]
Australian Industry Group also broadly supports the amendments in Schedule 1
but recommends some amendments to improve the operation of the provisions and
reduce their regulatory burden on business.[141]
Business SA is supportive of the proposed definition of
casual employment and the provisions that address ‘double dipping’, although it
would like the wording of the latter changed to ensure it covers past
employees.[142]
Business SA however does not support the Bill’s casual conversion provisions,
noting the low uptake of conversion for award covered employees – Business SA’s
own survey results indicate that for two-thirds of employers only one third or
less of staff accepted conversion, while for nearly half of employers this rate
was less than 10% of employees.[143]
The Western Australian Government noted that in the
Western Australian Department of Mines, Industry Regulation and Safety’s
experience, many casual employees are made offers of employment orally or in
any case not in clearly defined terms that reflect the proposed definition of
casual employee. The WA Government argues that this means that even with the
insertion of the statutory definition of casual employee, there may be significant
confusion among employers and employees about their employment relationship and
corresponding entitlements.[144]
The Western Australian Government submission further noted
several issues with the proposed definition including that employers who fail
to meet the prescriptive terms of the definition may have offered permanent
employment by default (even if they intended to offer casual employment) and
that the definition fails to meet the need for an employer/employee
relationship to be flexible and evolve.[145]
The ACTU supports a statutory definition of casual
employment but does not support the Bill’s proposal – the ACTU argues that the
way the definition limits the enquiry as to whether a firm advance commitment
exists ‘strips away the rights of workers who are historically and currently
mislabelled as casual employees’ and allows for employers to engage workers as
casual through the careful drafting of employment contracts (where these
employees may have otherwise been considered permanent).[146]
The ACTU is also supportive of casual conversion
provisions in legislation, but is not supportive of the Bill’s specific
proposal in this regard.[147]
The ACTU argues that the qualifying period for conversion (12 months) is too
long and the ability for an employer to refuse a request for conversion is too
broad.[148]
The ACTU also notes that the fact that the FWC can only exercise its arbitral
powers on agreement of the parties is another limitation of the scheme as
employers ‘may simply avoid their compliance obligations by declining to allow
the independent umpire to make a binding determination.’[149]
Schedule 2 –
Modern Award reforms
Background to modern awards
Historically, tribunals at the federal and state level set
minimum conditions for Australian workers in awards – these awards operate with
the force of legislation and govern the terms on which specified workers can be
employed.[150]
As noted above in this Digest, an award modernisation process took place to
coincide with the introduction of the industrial relations scheme provided for
by the Fair Work Act. On commencement of the Fair Work Act, 122
modern awards replaced more than 1,500 awards reviewed by the AIRC.[151]
This award modernisation process is ongoing.[152]
Modern awards generally provide the minimum terms and
conditions around a range of workplace conditions including leave entitlements,
overtime and shift work and the ordinary hours of work for employees in
particular industries or occupations.[153]
Modern awards are governed by Part 2-3 of the Fair Work Act. The modern
awards objective provides that the FWC must ensure that modern awards (together
with the NES) provide a fair and relevant minimum safety net of terms and
conditions taking into account various factors including the relative living
standards and the needs of the low paid and the need to promote social
inclusion thorough increased workforce participation.[154]
Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on
certain industries
The Bill introduces amendments to award provisions in the
context of the COVID-19 pandemic and is aimed at assisting industries
negatively impacted by the pandemic.[155]
The industries most affected by employment loss in Australia between February
and August 2020 were accommodation and food services (down 18.2%), arts and
recreation services (down 17.9%), other services (down 11.3%), administrative
and support services (down 11.1%) and information, media and telecommunications
and transport and, postal and warehousing (both down 8.2%).[156]
The retail trade sector had an employment loss of 5.1% during this period (a
loss of around 64,000 jobs).[157]
More details around some of the sectors that suffered job
loss between February 2020 and August 2020 is provided in the below table:
Table 1: Change in employment by industry,
February to August 2020
Industry |
February 2020 (‘000) |
August 2020 (‘000) |
Change in employment –
February-August 2020 (‘000/%) |
Accommodation and Food services |
929.8 |
760.7 |
-169.1 (-18.2%) |
Arts and recreation services |
251.9 |
206.7 |
-45.2 (-17.9%) |
Other services |
493.2 |
437.6 |
-55.6 (-11.3%) |
Administrative and support services |
450.2 |
400.2 |
-50.0 (-11.1%) |
Information media and telecommunications |
211.7 |
194.2 |
-17.4 (-8.2%) |
Transport, postal and warehousing |
667.1 |
612.5 |
-54.6 (-8.2%) |
Manufacturing |
909.6 |
843.9 |
-65.7 (-7.2%) |
Retail trade |
1 261.1 |
1 196.7 |
-64.4 (-5.1%) |
Excerpted from: G Gilfillan, COVID-19:
Labour market impacts on key demographic groups, industries and regions,
Research paper series, 2020–21, Parliamentary Library, Canberra, 2020, p. 18.
The COVID-19 pandemic gave rise to certain industries
needing to rapidly change their operating arrangements – due to both changed
business conditions and restrictions on trading itself.[158]
The FWC made a range of temporary award variations in response to applications
seeking greater flexibility in awards as a result of the pandemic.[159]
By way of just one example, the FWC varied the Clerks – Private Sector Award
2010 to, amongst other things, broaden the span of permitted ordinary hours
(given employees working from home) and allow employers to require employees to
take annual leave with one week’s notice in the event of a close down.[160]
In a letter on 9 December 2020, the Minister for
Industrial Relations identified four key awards as being in distressed industry
sectors and requested the FWC consider creating greater flexibility in these
awards.[161]
These awards are the:
- General
Retail Industry Award 2020
- Hospitality
Industry (General) Award 2020
- Restaurant
Industry Award 2020
- Registered
and Licenced Clubs Award 2010.[162]
The FWC is currently in the process of considering the
inclusion of loaded rates and exemption rates clauses in these awards as well
as potentially simplifying the classification structures.[163]
This process is ongoing and is taking place independently of the Government’s
proposed legislative reforms under the Bill. However it highlights the broader
debate around the adequacy of awards in specific sectors in light of the
COVID-19 pandemic.
Proposed amendments – Additional
hours agreement
Item 5 of Schedule 2 inserts proposed
Division 9 at the end of Part 2-3 of the Fair Work Act, providing
for a new category of additional hours agreement to be made between employees
and employers. An additional hours agreement allows employees, on agreement
between both parties, to work hours that are additional to those set out in the
employee’s modern award.[164]
The agreement can only be made where the employee is part-time and works at
least 16 hours a week (whether in actual terms or averaged over a roster
cycle).[165]
The additional hours agreement must identify the
additional agreed hours to be worked on one or more days and must be entered
into before the first period of additional hours.[166]
The period of additional hours must be a continuous period of three hours or be
part of a three hour period (for example an additional hour directly after a two
hour shift).[167]
A break provided for by the relevant modern award does not break up the period
of additional hours, and the employee is entitled to take breaks provided for
in the relevant award.[168]
The agreement can be terminated by the employee or the employer on giving
written notice of at least seven days before termination, or at any time if
both parties agree.[169]
The additional hours agreement provisions (with the
exception of the provisions stipulating what is and is not an identified modern
award) are taken to be terms of an identified modern award (these
are discussed further below).[170]
However agreements will have no effect to the extent that it contradicts terms
of a modern award that:
- limit
the maximum number of consecutive days that the employee has to work
- require
the employee not work on a day
- provide
that certain terms cannot be varied or voided by an agreement/arrangement
between the employer and employee.[171]
Additional hours agreement only
restricted to certain industries
The proposed additional hours agreement amendments only
apply to part-time employees who are engaged under certain identified
modern awards. The proposed flexible work direction powers (discussed
further below) also only apply to identified modern awards. These
awards are the:
- Business
Equipment Award 2020
- Commercial
Sales Award 2020
- Fast
Food Industry Award 2010
- General
Retail Industry Award 2020
- Hospitality
Industry (General) Award 2020
- Meat
Industry Award 2020
- Nursery
Award 2020
- Pharmacy
Industry Award 2020
- Restaurant
Industry Award 2020
- Registered
and Licensed Clubs Award 2010
- Seafood
Processing Award 2020
- Vehicle
Repair, Services and Retail Award 2020.[172]
As discussed above, certain industries have been
disproportionately and negatively impacted by the ongoing pandemic. The
Government’s reforms in Schedule 2 are aimed at two sectors in
particular – the accommodation/food services sector and the retail trade sector.[173]
The awards inserted into the Bill have been chosen on the
basis that these awards have been ‘mapped’ to these industries by the FWC. In
2012, the FWC undertook an exercise to map the nineteen most award reliant
industries with their corresponding awards.[174]
This was done on the basis of the Australian and New Zealand Standard
Industrial Classification (ANZSIC) for the relevant industry.[175]
On 30 March 2020, a FWC information note set out nine
awards that were mapped to the retail industry and four awards mapped to the
accommodation and food services industry.[176]
These are the awards listed in the Bill (accounting for date changes in the
award), noting that the Hospitality Industry (General Award) 2010 is mapped to
both industries.
The Government’s choice of the accommodation/food services
sector and the retail sector as the focus of this policy is due to them being
‘distressed sectors’ in the wake of the pandemic and their high proportion of
small business employers and award reliance.[177]
However as noted above, while the accommodation/food service sector has been
significantly affected by the pandemic in terms of job losses, the retail
sector has not fared as badly in comparison to some other negatively impacted
sectors. The arts and recreation services sector for example suffered a much
higher percentage of job loss between February and August 2020 (see above
table).
Award reliance refers to employees being paid exactly the
award rate and no more than this rate.[178]
Again, while the retail trade sector does have a very high degree of award
reliance, there are certain sectors that have a higher degree of award reliance
- for example the administrative and support services sector and the healthcare
and social assistance sector.[179]
It may be that different metrics were used to designate the
distressed industries that are the target of the reforms – for example
significant stakeholder concerns or broader impact to business turnover and
profits. The National Retail Association notes for example that while there was
a boom in clothing and footwear retailing after the first lockdown, in real
terms the turnover for this particular subsector was significantly lower than
pre-pandemic.[180]
Nevertheless, there were concerns from some stakeholders
around the fact that certain industries were not captured by the reforms in Schedule
2.
Business South Australia notes for example that several
industries that have been significantly affected by the pandemic have not been
included in the list of designated awards. Business South Australia recommended
several awards to be included in the Bill including awards covering employees
in the dry cleaning and laundry industry, the fitness industry, the funeral
industry and the disability services industry.[181]
Business South Australia noted that the entertainment,
conference and live performance industries were some of the worst impacted
industries in South Australia.[182]
The National Retail Association also recommended the inclusion of the Amusement,
Events and Recreation Award 2020 as part of the list of the list of
identified modern awards in the Bill.[183]
The Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (ACCI) similarly
notes that the list of identified modern awards does not represent ‘the current
state of play when it comes to which industries and occupations are in distress
as a result of COVID-19 and government restrictions to limit transmission’.[184]
ACCI supports the inclusion of more awards in the Bill – especially in relation
to the tourism and arts and recreation sectors.[185]
The Centre for Future Work questioned the need for the
amendments to be focused on the retail trade sector. The Centre noted that
while the sector suffered employment losses during the initial lockdowns,
employment in the sector has bounced back so that as at November 2020, there
were more employees working in that sector as compared to before the pandemic.[186]
Identified modern award can be
prescribed by regulation
The Bill also allows regulations to prescribe a modern
award as an identified modern award. Similarly the regulations can
prescribe that a modern award is not an identified modern award.[187]
This is quite a broad power and may potentially allow the reforms in Schedule
2 to be targeted at sectors not necessarily impacted by the COVID-19
pandemic. Being legislative instruments, awards prescribed in this way would be
subject to the normal provisions of the Legislation Act
2003 in relation to parliamentary tabling and disallowance.
Potential impact on employees
One of the issues of concern in relation to the proposed
additional hours agreements is how these additional hours are paid. The
additional hours provided for by the agreement are paid without overtime.[188]
Overtime is still payable where:
- the
additional hours lead to the employee working outside a span of hours that
triggers overtime payment[189]
- where
the additional hours together with other hours worked exceed the maximum hours
provided for in the award that can be worked in a day without overtime[190]
- where
the employee works more than 38 hours per week (averaged across a roster cycle
if provided for by an award or in actual terms).[191]
The Explanatory Memorandum gives the example of the General
Retail Industry Award 2020 which provides that an employee must be paid
overtime for hours worked outside the span of 7am to 9pm and the Fast Food
Industry Award 2010 which provides overtime payment to employees who work
more than 11 hours in a day.[192]
The lack of overtime (as a general rule) for these
additional hours has generated concerns from some groups who argue that
part-time employees will be disadvantaged by not being able to access overtime
rates and may have their take home pay cut.[193]
The reforms to the award system are aimed at addressing
the attraction of employing casual workers at the expense of providing
part-time workers with additional hours, given the perceived uncertainty and
complexity of engaging these employees for additional hours under the award
system.[194]
In effect, the reforms may make it cost effective to engage part-time employees
over casual workers by engaging them at lower overtime-free rates.[195]
The Bill however requires the additional hours worked
under agreement (except those where overtime is payable) to be treated as
‘ordinary hours of work’ for the purposes of paying penalty rates, certain
leave entitlements and superannuation and other purposes as prescribed by
regulations.[196]
Arguably this provision may still not make it cost-effective for employers to
provide additional hours to part-time employees, and so may not disincentivise
further moves towards engaging casual workers.
One key protection provided for employees in the Bill is
that entering into, or not entering into an additional hours agreement
will form part of the Fair Work Act’s general protections.[197]
Similarly, terminating or not terminating an additional hours agreement is a
protected workplace right.[198]
A person cannot take adverse action against another person (such as dismissing
them or changing their job to their disadvantage) for exercising or not
exercising a workplace right.[199]
This means that for example an employee who turns down an offer of an
additional hours agreement cannot be treated differently by their employer.
It has been noted that the proposed introduction of an
additional hours agreement represents a significant shift in the industrial
relations system – while requirements under the Fair Work Act generally
apply to all national system employees, the proposed reforms in Schedule 2
of the Bill only apply to a select few industries.[200]
It has been argued that this approach may lead to other industry-specific
industrial relations change that would ‘avoid the FWC’s detailed evidence-based
approach’.[201]
Flexible work directions
Part 2 of Schedule 2 of the Bill provides
employers the ability to give flexible work directions. Essentially, employers
can give flexible work directions with respect to the duties of the
employee (provided they are safe, the employee is licensed/qualified for the
work and the duties are within the scope of the employer’s operations) and with
respect to the location of the employee’s work (provided the location is
safe and is reasonable to travel to from the employee’s home).[202]
The flexible work directions have a minimum rate of pay guarantee, so that an
employee who does work under a direction is not paid a lower rate.[203]
While the amendments require consultation with employees
before issuing a flexible work direction, the amendments do not provide scope
for an employee to refuse such a direction.[204]
Flexible work directions are only valid for two years from the commencement
of the proposed reforms.[205]
The proposed flexible directions provision only apply to
those engaged under one of the identified modern awards listed
above and prevail to the extent of any inconsistency in a modern award.[206]
In effect, these amendments are aimed at allowing industries negatively
impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic to respond ‘flexibly’ to their circumstances.
The Bill requires that a flexible work direction cannot be
‘unreasonable in all of the circumstances’.[207]
Little guidance however is given in the Bill itself as to what sort of
directions could be considered reasonable or unreasonable (beyond a note
stating that a direction may be unreasonable depending on the impact on an
employee’s caring duties). Given ‘unreasonable’ is a broad term, there may be
uncertainty for both industry and employees as to what kind of directions would
be considered acceptable.
Flexible work directions must however be a ‘necessary part
of a reasonable strategy to assist in the revival of an employer’s enterprise’.[208]
Little other detail is provided on the face of the legislation itself, however
the term ‘revival’ likely means that only businesses that have suffered some
level of hardship could make use of the proposed directions. While the Bill has
been introduced in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic and supporting Australia’s
economic recovery in the face of the pandemic, the provisions around the use of
flexible directions do not appear to be limited to revival required due to the
pandemic itself. In other words, a business that suffered economic hardship for
reasons other than the pandemic may still be able to use flexible work
directions under the proposed reforms.
The requirements around flexible directions are taken to
be terms of the identified modern awards.[209]
While the amendments relate to award covered employees, the proposed flexible
work direction requirements may also indirectly impact employees covered by
enterprise agreements. When deciding to approve an enterprise agreement, the
Fair Work Commission must be satisfied that each award covered employee would be
‘better off overall’ under the proposed agreement – this is known as the BOOT.[210]
Any future agreement would necessarily need to consider the flexible work
direction requirements as part of this process.
It is not clear whether an agreement with no flexible work
direction requirements (for example) would be considered more or less
beneficial than the relevant award under the BOOT. However, the amendments will
effectively change the benchmark for agreements – in other words an agreement
that provides for flexible work directions may pass the BOOT test in the future
where it may not have in the past.[211]
The flexible direction amendments reflect an extension of the
JobKeeper flexibilities which have allowed employers entitled to JobKeeper
payments to issue flexible work directions to their employees.[212]
The provisions that allow that scheme will be repealed on 29 March 2021.[213]
Stakeholder views
The Restaurant and Catering Industry Association was
supportive of the additional hours agreement provisions, noting that it would
allow businesses to flexibly increase part-time employee hours without needing
to pay overtime rates. The Association noted that while it does not support regularly
increasing hours to avoid paying overtime, employers currently often choose
employing casuals rather than providing additional hours to part-time employees
to save wage costs.[214]
Business South Australia was supportive of the amendments
in Schedule 2 and noted that flexible work directions are an ‘important step’
in supporting a return to work in the wake of the pandemic and will assist in
job retention.[215]
The Western Australian Chamber of Commerce was broadly supportive of the
amendments but also saw a missed opportunity to consider the greater impact
that awards have on flexibility across all industries.[216]
ACCI supports the need for additional hours agreements,
noting that this would incentivise the hiring of part-time workers over
casuals. ACCI cites the inclusion of part-time flexibility provisions in the
Hospitality Industry (General) Award 2020 which it notes increased the
percentage of employees engaged as part-time workers in the accommodation and
food services industry as a share of overall employment.[217]
ACCI however did not support the form of the provisions themselves, noting the
lack of flexibility and the difficulty of predicting what additional hours will
need to be worked at the point of entering the agreement.[218]
Australian Industry Group was broadly supportive of the
additional hours agreement provisions and was supportive of the flexible work
directions provisions. With respect to the flexible work directions provisions,
Australian Industry Group noted that they are ‘a necessary flexibility that
would assist employers to navigate the circumstances of the pandemic and to
maximise employment, for the next two years’.[219]
The submission from a group of labour law academics
highlights a few issues with the provisions in Schedule 2. The submission notes
for example that the lack of a requirement for a written record of an agreement
(unless requested) may lead to disputes. The submission also notes that there
is a risk that the provisions will create an incentive for employers to cut a
part-time worker’s guaranteed hours with the knowledge that they can request
additional hours without an overtime penalty.[220]
With respect to flexible work directions, the submission notes that directions
with respect to work location are already permitted under the common law (and
so do not require the ‘complex statutory mechanism’ in the Bill) and states that
the consultation mechanism provision does not provide sufficient guidance to
employers and employees.[221]
The ACTU was not supportive of the additional hours
agreements amendments, noting that it would ‘create enormous pressure’ on
part-time employees to accept additional hours without overtime pay.[222]
The ACTU further noted the flexible direction provisions go beyond the JobKeeper
scheme in that they may be used by employers not necessarily impacted by
COVID-19.[223]
The ACTU also stated that there is no ability to have disputes about directions
decided by an industrial umpire.[224]
The Queensland Government was not supportive of the amendments in Schedule 2,
arguing that ‘the introduction of simplified additional hours' agreements
combined with the 'flexible work directions' to override award provisions will
provide employers with stronger powers to alter individual working arrangements
without scrutiny’.[225]
Schedule 3 -
Enterprise agreements reforms
Object of enterprise agreements
An enterprise agreement is an agreement made between
national system employers and their employees which sets out the terms and
conditions of employment (including wages) for a period of up to four years.[226]
Part 2-4 of the Fair Work Act governs the requirements around the making
and approval of enterprise agreements. The legislated objects of the enterprise
agreement requirements at section 171 of the Fair Work Act include:
… to provide a
simple, flexible and fair framework that enables collective bargaining in good
faith, particularly at the enterprise level, for enterprise agreements that
deliver productivity benefits …
The Bill repeals the current objects provision and
replaces it with a new one. While mostly retaining the current objects, item
1 of Schedule 3 of the Bill provides for some changes. Proposed subparagraphs
171(b)(i)–(iii) provide that the object of the enterprise agreement
framework also includes the enabling of collective bargaining in good faith for
agreements that:
- deliver
productivity benefits and
- enable
business and employment growth and
- reflect
the needs and priorities of employers and employees.
In addition, proposed
paragraph 171(a) adds the new term ‘balanced’ to the current objects of
providing a ‘simple flexible and fair framework’ for enterprise bargaining.
These added objects, while not having substantive
operation in and of themselves, may affect the way the FWC applies the
provisions of the Fair Work Act and how it approaches the approval of
agreements. They can also be seen in the context of the Bill as a whole as a
way of addressing employment and business viability issues in the wake of the
COVID-19 pandemic.
The FWC notes that the enterprise agreement process is
strict and that it cannot approve an agreement that does not meet legislated
requirements.[227]
The FWC provides the following summary of the current (prior to the Bill)
enterprise agreement making process.
Figure 1: stage in bargaining
process
Excerpted from: FWC, Benchbook:
Enterprise agreements, FWC, Canberra, 9 April 2019, p. 63.
Amendments to enterprise agreements
process
Under the Fair Work Act, an employer that will be
covered by a proposed enterprise agreement must take all reasonable steps to
provide each employee who will be covered by the agreement a notice of their
right to be represented by a bargaining representative.[228]
Currently, this notice must be given no later than 14 days after the
notification time for the agreement[229]
– the amendments in Part 2 of Schedule 3 extend this period to 28
days.[230]
The Fair Work Act also provides for certain
pre-approval requirements with respect to enterprise agreements – such as the
requirement to give employees a copy of the agreement.[231]
Part 3 of Schedule 3 of the Bill makes amendments to these requirements.
The amendments provide for less prescriptive pre-approval steps than what is
currently in place with respect to communicating the terms of the agreement to
employees.
The amendments remove the legislated requirement to
provide copies of or access to the written agreement and material incorporated
into the agreement and the requirement to provide information around the
time/place and method for voting. These requirements are replaced by provisions
that stipulate that the ‘employer must take reasonable steps to ensure that
employees are given a fair and reasonable opportunity to decide whether or not
to approve an agreement’.[232]
The more prescriptive requirements in relation to provision of information are
retained as elements which, when complied with, mean that reasonable steps have
been taken for the purposes of the legislation. These prescriptive requirements
are, however, not necessarily required to be followed.[233]
The FWC will also no longer need to be satisfied that the
current prescriptive steps have been complied with in order to be satisfied
that an agreement has been ‘genuinely agreed’ to by the employees covered –
instead where the reasonable steps have been taken this criteria will have been
satisfied.[234]
Part 4 of Schedule 3 makes amendments in relation
to the voting requirements for enterprise agreements. Of particular note, the
amendments will mean that casual employees can only vote on agreements if they
have performed work in the seven day period ending immediately before the day
the voting process starts.[235]
Currently , whether or not casual workers can vote, appears to turn on whether
they can be considered ‘employees employed at the time’.[236]
The amendments however would mean that casual employees who are ‘employed at
the time’ by a business may still not be able to vote on an agreement depending
on the nature of their particular roster.
Stakeholder views
The National Retail Association is supportive of the
changes to pre-approval and voting requirements and argues that the amendments
do not erode existing protections.[237]
The Chamber of Commerce and Industry WA notes that the notice of employee
representational rights has been an area of significant frustration for both
employees and employers due to its complex requirements.[238]
The Chamber welcomes the extension of the timeframe for issuing the notice to
28 days, however argues that greater reform is possible.[239]
The Chamber also sees the amendments to the pre-approval and voting process as
allaying some existing frustration, but would like to see greater precision in
the amendments to reflect what it sees as the Government’s intentions.[240]
The Australian Industry Group supports these amendments to
the enterprise agreement-making process. The Australian Industry Group notes
that many enterprise agreements have been rejected by the FWC due to inadvertent
non-compliance with ‘overly technical’ notice of employee representation rights
requirements and other pre-approval requirements.[241]
The Australian Industry Group also supports the amendments to the voting
process, noting that ‘determining which casuals are entitled to vote on an
enterprise agreement has become a ‘minefield’…given that many employers have
casuals on their books who work infrequently’.[242]
The labour law academics’ submission sees no issues with
the amendment to the notice of employee representational rights and sees the
amendments to voting requirements as a ‘workable solution’ to problems
identified with respect to the law’s treatment of when a casual employee is
entitled to vote on an agreement.[243]
The submission however did point out some issues with the proposed amendments
to pre-approval requirements for enterprise agreements, claiming that they
weaken the role of the FWC in ensuring that informed consent has been given by
employees.[244]
The submission further argues that removal of prescriptive pre-approval steps
has the effect of ‘abrogating any uniform legislative process for the creation
of enterprise agreements’.[245]
The ACTU sees the amendment to the notice of employee
representational rights period as unnecessary and as disadvantaging employees
by making it easier for employers to finalise the contents of agreements before
employees have been notified of their right to representation.[246]
The ACTU believes that the current pre-approval requirements are fair and sees
the amendments as substantially weakening protections for workers ‘who will
have varying capacities to find and understand the information they need in
order to give informed consent to an agreement’.[247]
The ACTU notes that the amendments to voting requirements may lead to
acceptable outcomes in some sectors but may disenfranchise seasonal workers.[248]
The ACTU also notes that employers could deliberately not roster casual workers
during a voting period in order to secure positive enterprise agreement
ballots.[249]
The Better Off Overall Test
The predecessor to the current Better Off Overall Test
(BOOT) was the no-disadvantage test under the Workplace Relations Act 1996
– this test had a similar policy rationale but involved a more global
on-balance assessment when determining whether to approve a collective
agreement.[250]
The no-disadvantage test was repealed by the WorkChoices reforms but
subsequently reintroduced in the Rudd Government’s transitional industrial
relations framework under the Workplace Relations
Amendment (Transition to Forward with Fairness) Act 2008.[251]
The BOOT was introduced into the industrial relations regulatory framework for
the first time under the Fair Work Act.
The BOOT requires that the FWC is satisfied that award
covered employees and prospective award covered employees would be better off
overall under a prospective enterprise agreement than under the relevant modern
award.[252]
An agreement needs to generally pass the BOOT test in order to be approved by
the FWC.[253]
The FWC can only approve an enterprise agreement that does not pass the BOOT
test where the FWC is satisfied that because of exceptional circumstances, the
approval of the agreement would not be contrary to the public interest.[254]
In effect the BOOT test requires the FWC to identify and
consider all the agreement terms which are both more beneficial and less
beneficial than the award and make an overall decision whether an employee
would be better off under the agreement.[255]
The BOOT however does not require the FWC consider each employee’s individual
circumstances – in the absence of contrary evidence the FWC can assume an
employee would be better off based on whether the ‘class of employees’ to which
they belong to would be better off.[256]
The FWC treats the phrase ‘class of employees’ as a group covered by the enterprise
agreement who share common characteristics that allows the BOOT to collectively
apply to them – for example, employees in the same classification, grade or job
level with the same work patterns.[257]
Part 5 of Schedule 3 of the Bill makes proposed
amendments to the operation of the BOOT. The Bill as introduced also included amendments
in Part 5 aimed at providing new criteria for when a non-BOOT compliant
agreement could be approved. This was a controversial aspect of the Bill and
was subsequently removed by the Government due to a lack of support from the
crossbench. These specific provisions are discussed in Appendix A to
this Digest.
Proposed amendments - Relevant and
irrelevant matters in relation to the BOOT
Item 25 inserts proposed subsection 193(8)
that sets out some relevant and irrelevant matters that the FWC can have regard
to when determining whether an enterprise agreement has passed the BOOT.
Firstly, the amendments stipulate that the FWC can only
have regard to patterns or kinds of work or types of employment for the
purposes of the BOOT if:
- the
work/employment is engaged in by award covered employees for the agreement or
- the
work/employment is reasonably foreseeable (by the employer) to be engaged in by
award covered or prospective award covered employees.[258]
In effect, this means that the FWC can only consider
actual employment rather than hypothetical situations when applying the BOOT.
The Government notes that currently, the FWC can consider hypothetical scenarios
when applying the BOOT and provides the example where Officeworks was required
to make undertakings with respect to service of alcohol, despite not being
related to the employer’s core business.[259]
It should be noted however that while the amendments
retain the ability for the FWC to consider, for example, rosters that are
reasonably foreseeable to be worked – the amendments point to what is
reasonably foreseeable by the employer. It is unclear to what extent
this means that changes in shift patterns foreseeable by employees or other
parties could inform the application of the BOOT if these patterns were not
actually worked at the time of approval for the new agreement. It has been
noted by some union organisations that this ‘introduces an unfair subjective
element’ to what could be considered an otherwise objective BOOT test.[260]
The amendments stipulate that the FWC can also consider
the overall benefits that an employee would receive under the agreement
as compared to the award – this includes non-monetary benefits.[261]
The current approach to the BOOT does not exclude the
ability to consider non-monetary benefits. It has been noted by the FWC that ‘the
application of the BOOT is a matter that involves the exercise of discretion,
and it involves a degree of subjectivity or value judgement’ and the
consideration of non-monetary benefits to employees has been upheld.[262]
The amendments however appear aimed at addressing what it perceives as the FWC
increasingly taking a ‘forensic’ and overly technical approach to the BOOT
test.[263]
Finally, the amendments require that the FWC must
give ‘significant weight’ to the views of the relevant employees, employers and
bargaining representative as to whether the agreement passes the BOOT.[264]
The amendments appear to address concerns from the Government that the FWC’s
approach to the BOOT means that even where agreements have broad support from
employees, employers and unions, there have been instances where agreement
approval has been drawn out or agreements have been rejected.[265]
The fact that the FWC is required to give significant weight to these views
suggest that the views will be given greater weight in determining whether an
agreement passes the BOOT over a more objective application of the test. The amendments
are not worded in such a way as to necessarily displace the BOOT – an agreement
would still need to pass the BOOT principles. However, should an objective
assessment of the test contradict an assessment from employers/employees and
bargaining representatives, then it is likely that the latter’s assessment
would prevail.
Response to
recent cases
The amendments can be seen in part as a response to two
recent industrial relations cases.
The proposed amendments could in theory lead to a
different outcome in the above cases. In particular the requirement for the FWC
to give ‘substantial weight’ to employer/employee agreement may point to the
agreement in the Hart case requiring approval, given the majority of
employees voted for it. In situations similar to the Loaded agreements case,
only those patterns of work reasonably foreseeable by the employer could
be considered.
Both cases involved a consideration of non-monetary
benefits and entitlements. In the Hart case for example, the Shop
Distributive and Allied Employees Association argued that employees valued
leave and working time control as reflected in the agreement – the FWC however
was of the opinion that the level of income was also critical.[281]
While the proposed amendments do draw attention to the possibility of the FWC
considering non-monetary benefits as part of the consideration of overall
benefits, this is arguably no different than the current approach (and so may
not necessarily change the FWC’s decision in this regard).
Stakeholder views
The Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (ACCI) is
supportive of the amendments. The ACCI argues that the proposed reasonable
foreseeability test with regard to the patterns or kinds of work represents a
‘practical, balanced and reliable solution’ to impractical approaches.[282]
The ACCI argues that the legislated inclusion of non-monetary benefits in what
may be considered when applying the BOOT does not replace financial assessment
or calculation and ‘is about listening to employees and what they value and
pursue through bargaining’.[283]
With respect to the proposed requirement to give significant weight to
employer/employee agreement, ACCI notes that ‘this seems to be about according
greater weight and significance to what those who will actually work under a
proposed agreement value and prioritise’.[284]
The Western Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry is
broadly supportive of the amendments to the BOOT, noting that the BOOT’s
current application ‘has stifled innovation and flexibility within enterprise
agreements and is a significant disincentive to bargaining’.[285]
The Chamber noted for example that the amendment requiring the FWC to consider
patterns of work reasonably foreseeable by the employer is sensible as
employers are best placed to make this assessment.[286]
The Minerals Council of Australia noted that accelerating
approval processes supported by a majority of employees and the amendments around
the BOOT would mean ‘more consistent approval times for similar agreements,
more certainty for employers and faster creation of jobs and wage increases in
exchange for productivity gains’.[287]
Australian Industry Group (AIG) generally supports these
amendments (noting that the group also recommended an additional amendment to
improve the provision’s operation). AIG believes that the BOOT in its current
form is ‘unworkable’ and see the amendments as an ‘extremely important
provision that is aimed at ensuring that the FWC adopts a more practical
approach, whilst ensuring fairness to all parties.’[288]
It views the amendments as ‘restoring’ the approach taken by the FWC when
applying the No Disadvantage Test under previous frameworks and its approach in
applying the BOOT up to a few years ago.[289]
The National Retail Association is also supportive of the amendments to give
‘significant weight’ to the views of the parties to be covered by the proposed
agreement. The National Retail Association argues that currently, the FWC
stands in the shoes of employees to be covered by an agreement and makes a
number of assumptions, ‘rather than acknowledging that employees will generally
only vote to approve an enterprise agreement that operates in their own
interest’.[290]
The ACTU notes that the consideration of overall benefits
‘is broadly consistent with what the FWC is already required to do’.[291]
The ACTU considers however that the ‘reasonably foreseeable by employer’ test
with respect to patterns of work introduces an unfair subjective element to the
BOOT.[292]
The ACTU also notes that it is unclear how the requirement to place ‘substantial
weight’ on the views of employers and employees will interact with the overall
requirements of the BOOT, and notes that this could be quite difficult in
practice.[293]
Proposed amendment - NES
interaction terms
The Fair Work Act requires that enterprise
agreements must not exclude the entitlements provided by the NES.[294]
Before approving an enterprise agreement, the FWC must be satisfied that the
agreement does not contravene this requirement.[295]
The FWC can accept written undertakings from employers in order to address
deficiencies in an agreement (such as terms that exclude NES requirements)
which require the employer to comply with that undertaking as if it was a term
of the agreement.[296]
The FWC noted in its 2019 Enterprise Agreement benchbook
that ‘the increasing proportion of enterprise agreements requiring undertakings
to address deficiencies is impacting on the time it is taking the Commission to
finalise applications for approval of agreements’.[297]
The FWC therefore recommended enterprise agreements include terms providing
that the NES would prevail in the event of any inconsistency with the
agreement.[298]
The amendments in Part 6 of Schedule 3 effectively
legislate the requirement to have such a term in an agreement, thereby making
it mandatory. An enterprise agreement must include a model NES
interaction term as prescribed by the Regulations – if the agreement
does not explicitly include the term, it will be read into the agreement.[299]
The Bill provides that the term must explain the
provisions of the Fair Work Act that deal with the interaction between
the NES and enterprise agreements.[300]
However, there is some uncertainty as to the exact form of the model term as
this will be provided for in subordinate legislation. The actual term, when
published, will likely be closely considered by employers. The Government’s
proposed term will be subject to the normal provisions of the Legislation Act
2003 in relation to parliamentary tabling and disallowance.
Single enterprise agreements
Currently the Fair Work Act allows two or more
employers that have a close connection to one another to bargain for a single enterprise
agreement that will cover both sets of employees at the relevant businesses. To
do so, the employers must apply to the FWC for a single interest employer
authorisation.[301]
Relevantly to the measures proposed by the Bill, currently section 249 provides
that the FWC must make a single interest employer authorisation where
it is satisfied:
- the
employers that will be covered by the agreement have agreed to bargain together
- no
person coerced, or threatened to coerce, any of the employers to agree to
bargain together and
- the
employers are franchisees of the same franchisor or related bodies corporate of
the same franchisor (or any combination of these).
Currently the Fair Work Act allows the single
interest employer authorisation (but not any enterprise agreements arising
from bargaining conducted under the authorisation) to be varied to add or
remove an employer.[302]
Proposed amendments
The amendments in Part 7 of Schedule 3 of the Bill
will enable franchisees to opt-in to a current single-enterprise agreement that
covers a larger group of employers that operate under the franchise previously
agreed to under a single interest employer authorisation.[303]
To be eligible to do so the franchisee must:
- carry
on similar business activities as the other employers that are single
interest employers under the same franchise and are:
- franchisees
of the same franchisor
- related
bodies corporate of the same franchisor
- or
any combination of the above[304]
and
- request
relevant employees vote to approve the proposed application and a majority of
the relevant employees who vote approve the application.[305]
Where the above is satisfied, and unless the FWC is
satisfied there are serious public interest grounds for not varying the
agreement, then the FWC must vary the agreement to cover the eligible
franchisee employer and employees specified in the application if satisfied:
- the
agreement has not passed its nominal expiry date
- no
person coerced, or threatened to coerce, the eligible franchisee employer to
request the affected employees to approve the application
- the
eligible franchisee employer gave affected employees a fair and reasonable
opportunity to decide whether they wanted to approve the application
- the
application was agreed to by the employees who voted and
- there
are no other reasonable grounds for believing that the affected employees have
not agreed to the variation.[306]
Other
related changes
Proposed subsections 58(4) and 278(1A)
provide that if an earlier enterprise agreement or workplace determination
applies to an employee and another agreement is varied under the process above
to cover the employee in relation to that employment, the varied agreement
displaces the earlier agreement or workplace determination (which can never
apply again).[307]
Stakeholder
views
The Franchise Council of Australia is supportive of these
amendments, noting that they ‘allow for a practical and sensible process for
employees of a new franchise to be asked whether they agree to be covered by an
enterprise agreement without requiring voting processes at all other franchise
operations currently covered by that agreement’.[308]
The Council however believes that these amendments alone do not address the
‘difficulty and complexity’ of the bargaining and approval processes – the
Council therefore supports these amendments alongside the other amendments to
enterprise bargaining proposed by the Bill.[309]
Terminating agreements after
nominal expiry date
The Fair Work Act allows an employer, employee or
employee organisation covered by an enterprise agreement to apply to terminate
the enterprise agreement if the agreement has passed its nominal expiry date
(NED).[310]
Currently the Act provides that following such an application the FWC must
terminate an enterprise agreement if:
- it
is satisfied that it is not contrary to the public interest to do so
- it
considers that it is appropriate to terminate the agreement taking into account
all the circumstances including:
- the
views of the employees, each employer, and each employee organisation (if any),
covered by the agreement and
- the
circumstances of those employees, employers and organisations including the
likely effect that the termination will have on each of them.[311]
Case for
reform
While agreements are tested by the FWC against the
relevant award, in practice any existing enterprise agreement is the relevant
‘baseline’ against which a new agreement will be negotiated. As noted in the
RIS, the act of applying for termination of an enterprise agreement (even if
the termination is not approved) may:
- disturb
efforts to genuinely engage in enterprise bargaining
- create
an incentive for employees to make a new agreement as soon as possible, rather
than engage in protracted bargaining or industrial action and
- place
disproportionate industrial pressure on employees in the initial phase of
bargaining.[312]
The RIS further notes that where an employer threatens to
apply to terminate an existing agreement that has passed its NED, or where such
an application is made and approved by the FWC, this may result in the new
agreement including ‘less favourable wage and condition outcomes for employees’.[313]
The RIS notes that in 2019–20 the FWC received 432
applications to unilaterally terminate an enterprise agreement which had passed
its NED, of which:
- the
majority—290—were approved and
- employer
initiated applications made up the bulk of all applications, submitting 365
applications, with 264-employer initiated applications being approved by the
FWC.[314]
Whilst the RIS notes that the above data does not show if
employers are making termination applications during the course of enterprise
bargaining, or the reasons given for termination, unions consider this to often
be a bargaining tactic used by employers to force employees to agree to terms
and conditions they would not otherwise agree to. This is because they may be faced
with reverting to the relevant modern award/s under which they would be worse
off. However, the RIS notes that there is ‘no clear evidence’ of the proportion
of employers choosing to do so as a negotiation tactic.[315]
Further, case law on termination of an agreement that has
passed its NED is mixed, with the FWC having held:
- there
is nothing ‘inherently inconsistent’ between terminating an agreement that has
passed its NED and the continuation of bargaining for a new agreement[316]
and
- termination
may disturb parties’ current bargaining positions and, therefore may justify a
refusal to terminate an agreement during bargaining as termination would change
the dynamics of bargaining such as to cause unfairness to certain employees.[317]
Proposed amendments
Item 53 in Part 8 of Schedule 3 of the Bill will
amend section 225 to provide that an application to terminate an agreement
under this section cannot be made until at least three months after the
agreement’s nominal expiry date.
As such, this can be viewed as an employee-protective
measure designed to facilitate genuine good-faith bargaining and to reduce the
power of employers to engage in the conduct discussed above as a bargaining
tactic early in the process for negotiating a new agreement. As noted by the
RIS, the measure would:
… balance employer and employee bargaining power during the 3
month period after an agreement nominally expires [and] will ensure employers
engage more cooperatively with employees and their representatives in replacing
an agreement past its nominal expiry date, as well as promoting better
workplace relations and reinforcing ‘fairness’ within the system.[318]
Stakeholder
views
The Community and Public Sector Union (CPSU) expressed the
view that ‘one of the significant flaws’ of the enterprise agreement bargaining
system ‘arises from FWC decisions that have allowed employers [to] terminate
enterprise agreements during bargaining’. The CPSU argues that this ‘allows
employers to coerce employees to accept substandard deals’. The CPSU concluded
that proposed section 225 ‘does not address the fundamental issue and
will have little impact in practice’.[319]
The ACTU considers that the amendments are an improvement
on the current position but do not adequately address concerns around
termination provisions being used to give employers an unfair advantage during
negotiations.[320]
The ACCI does not support the amendments and argues that
the provisions will see ‘inapplicable, misleading or damaging’ agreements
continue instead of being terminated in a timely manner.[321]
Similarly, the Australian Industry Group opposes the amendments, arguing that
‘only a tiny proportion of applications to terminate enterprise agreements are
contested’.[322]
The labour law academics’ submission argues that the
provisions could have the opposite effect to what is intended, namely that the
proposed changes could strengthen the position of employers instead of
‘recalibrating bargaining power’.[323]
The submission argues that employers would be able to threaten a deadline on
negotiations (three months post expiry date) with the threat of termination
still on the table.[324]
Standing in
enterprise agreement approval matters
The FWC has held that under the Act,
automatic standing to appear before the FWC in matters relating to the approval
of an enterprise agreement is restricted (depending on the type of enterprise
agreement) but generally extends to the employer(s), employees, bargaining
representatives and relevant employee organisations who were bargaining
representatives.[325]
Importantly, standing to appear before the FWC in
enterprise agreement approval matters is not currently automatically extended
to the Minister or the Minister of a state or territory who is responsible for
workplace relations matters. Rather, sections 597 and 597A provides that a
Minister will only be entitled to make submissions where the matter is before a
Full Bench and it is in the public interest for the relevant Minister to make a
submission.[326]
However, when considering an application to approve an
enterprise agreement the Act allows the FWC to inform itself in any manner it
considers appropriate, including hearing submissions from persons not involved
in bargaining.[327]
As such, the current position under the Act is that generally only bargaining
representatives will have automatic standing to make submissions in enterprise
agreement approval matters and a Minister or other third parties will only be
entitled to make submissions in limited circumstances, at the discretion of the
FWC.[328]
Case for reform
The Government argues there are ‘acute’ problems with the
enterprise bargaining process under the Act, and points to a significant
decline in enterprise bargaining over the last 10 years.[329]
As such, the Government argues that it is necessary to make:
… agreement-making and approval processes easier and faster
for employers and employees, while ensuring a better balance between
flexibility and fairness.[330]
As such, the measures in Part 9 of Schedule 3 of
the Bill are:
… aimed at avoiding unnecessary delays in the agreement
approval process by ensuring that, for the most part, only those parties
involved in bargaining can be heard.[331]
(Emphasis added).
Proposed amendments on how the FWC
may inform itself
The Bill aims to limit intervention by parties not
involved in negotiating an enterprise agreement in the approval process for the
enterprise agreement. To achieve this, the Bill aims to ensure that the FWC
will:
… be required to listen to the views of the bargaining parties
in the approval process, and the intervention by other persons before the
Fair Work Commission will be limited.[332]
(Emphasis added)
Under proposed section 254AA the FWC will be
allowed to consider information from a party not involved in bargaining for the
enterprise agreement if it is satisfied that there are exceptional
circumstances that justify it doing so.[333]
The RIS notes that this would:
… rectify unnecessary delays in the approval process caused
by intervention from parties which were not party to the bargaining for the
agreement.[334]
(Emphasis added)
Proposed section 254AA is largely consistent with
the preferred option set out in the RIS – with one notable exception discussed
below. That is, it will provide that in relation to approval of an enterprise
agreement the FWC must only inform itself on the basis of publicly available
information or the submissions, evidence or other information provided by parties
to the negotiation.
Automatic
standing granted to the Minister and certain State and Territory Ministers
Proposed subparagraph 254AA(2)(c)(vii) provides
that the Minister, or a Minister of a state or territory who has responsibility
for workplace relations matters is automatically entitled to provide
submissions, evidence and other information in relation to an enterprise
agreement without any requirement that exceptional circumstances exist.
Given that the aim of the proposed amendment is to:
- restrict
who can be heard by the FWC on agreement approval applications
- allow
non-bargaining representatives to be heard in exceptional circumstances and
- achieve
the goals of rectifying ‘unnecessary delays in the approval process’ caused by
intervention from parties not involved in bargaining for the agreement[335]
it is not immediately apparent why the Bill grants the
Minister and a Minister of a state or territory who has responsibility for
workplace relations matters automatic standing to appear in such
matters, rather than being heard upon application in exceptional circumstances,
or, as is currently the case, when the FWC determines that it is either
appropriate to do so (under section 590 of the Act) of where it is in the
public interest to do so (under sections 597, 597A or 605A). The proposed
amendments appear to expand the circumstances in which Ministers can be involved
in enterprise agreement approval hearings.
It is also not immediately apparent how Ministerial
intervention is consistent with proposed section 254B (at item 59
of Schedule 3), which requires the FWC, when exercising its powers in
relation to enterprise agreements, to ‘recognise the outcome of bargaining at
the enterprise level’. Given this requirement, it is difficult to know when
Ministerial intervention would be necessary or desirable in most instances
where an agreement has been made between an employer and its employees.
Stakeholder
views
The Australian Industry Group supports these provisions, as
it considers that they are important amendments that would prevent parties
without a legitimate interest in an enterprise agreement from frustrating and
delaying the approval of agreements.[336]
The ACTU on the other hand argues that the amendments would prevent submissions
from workers’ representatives and unions (including unions whose members would
be covered by the proposed agreement, but who were not bargaining parties),
thereby undermining the safety net that workers have.[337]
Time limits
for determining applications
Currently under the Act the FWC is required to ensure that
applications for approval of an enterprise agreement are ‘dealt with without
delay’.[338]
As discussed above, the Bill aims to make ‘agreement-making
and approval processes easier and faster for employers and employees’.[339]
Part 10 of Schedule 3, when combined with the other reforms is aimed at
addressing ‘lengthy delays in the approval process’.[340]
Case for
reform
The RIS notes that in 2019–20, the median time to
determine all agreement applications was 33 days, and 17 days for
agreements without undertakings. The RIS notes:
A faster approval process would also benefit SMEs and
businesses who are new to enterprise bargaining, and are often dissuaded from
engaging in bargaining because of the cost impact and uncertainty of approval
delays on the business. While enterprise bargaining is less common among SMEs,
the benefit of getting new agreements approved and implemented faster, increasing
operational certainty and giving them and their employees faster access to
flexibility and wages is considerable.[341]
Whilst a 14 working day time-limit was considered, the RIS
notes:
Requiring the FWC to determine applications in a shorter
timeframe than 17 days may not be achievable, given this is a median timeframe
and only relates to relatively simple approval processes.[342]
Proposed amendments
Proposed section 255AA provides that the FWC must, as
far as practicable, determine an application to approve or vary an enterprise
agreement within 21 working days after the application is made.
However, if the FWC is unable to determine an application
within the time-limit, it must give written notice as soon as practicable
setting out why it was unable to determine the application during the
time-limit (including because of any exceptional circumstances) to:
- the
employers covered by the agreement
- the
relevant employee organisations (that is, those organisations covered or those that
gave notice seeking to be covered by the agreement, depending on the agreement
type) and
- the
applicant.[343]
Such notices must be published on the FWC website or by
other means that the FWC considers appropriate.[344]
The RIS notes that the requirement that the FWC notify bargaining parties if it
cannot approve and determine the application within 21 working days:
… mitigates the risk that it rushes its approval assessment,
while simultaneously addressing stakeholder concerns around uncertainty brought
by protracted approval processes.[345]
Stakeholder
views
The CPSU notes its support for the 21 working day
time-limit to determine applications to approve an enterprise agreement, but
argues:
- ‘it
is important that any efforts to reduce approval timelines do not come at the
expense of any of the checks and balances that are in place to protect workers
in that process’ and
- the
new requirement ‘must be accompanied by additional funding and resourcing to
the FWC to manage its workload’.[346]
The ACTU argues that the proposed amendments are flawed as
they could lead to agreements being rushed through without proper scrutiny or
to forced rejections by the FWC.[347]
The Business Council of Australia is supportive of the
amendments and lists this ‘fast-tracked’ approval process as one of the benefits
of the Bill, arguing that this along with other amendments will lead to a
simpler and quicker enterprise agreement bargaining process.[348]
Transfer of
business
Currently under the Act where a transfer of business
occurs the old employer’s enterprise agreement or other relevant industrial
instrument continues to cover a transferring employee and their new employer in
relation to transferring work, regardless of how the employee came to be
employed by the new employer. The only way continued instrument coverage does
not occur is if there is an order to that effect from the FWC.[349]
Case for
reform
The RIS argues that reforms are needed to:
- simplify
and improve an employer’s ability to operate flexibly across associated
entities and
- provide
more certainty around fixed labour costs and facilitate redeployment of labour.[350]
Proposed amendments – transfer of
business
Proposed subsection 311(1A) in Part 12 of
Schedule 3 of the Bill operates so that where:
- an
employee becomes employed with an associated entity (as defined in the Corporations Act
2001) of their former employer and
- the
employee sought that employment on their own initiative before ending
their employment with the old employer then
- the
employee will be covered by the relevant industrial instrument (if any) that
covers the type of work performed by the employee for the new employer, rather
than being covered by the instrument that applied to their work with their
former employer.
Further, as proposed subsection 311(1A) provides
there is not a transfer of business in the circumstances noted
above, this has the effect of placing such transfers outside the transfer of
business rules in Part 2-8 of the Act. This results in removing the need for an
employer to secure orders from the FWC when an employee voluntarily seeks a
transfer to an associated entity.
The RIS argues that as this only applies to voluntary
transfers of staff it is ‘unlikely to negatively affect employees’.[351]
Stakeholder
views
The CPSU expressed concern about proposed subsection
311(1A) arguing:
… this change weakens the protections for employees and is
open to exploitation by employers who may put pressure on an employee to either
‘voluntarily’ transfer to an associated entity without their enterprise
agreement or face being made redundant.[352]
The Australian Workers Union (AWU) expressed similar
concerns arguing:
In many transfer scenarios involving associated entities, an
employee may be informed that work will move from one entity to another – hence
the employee’s options will be being made redundant or seeking employment with
the new employer. In this situation, the transfer has not truly arisen at the
employee’s initiative at all, the restructuring decision has been unilaterally
made by the employer, the employee is simply deciding whether to have a job or
not.[353]
Employer stakeholders, such as ACCI and the Master Grocers
of Australia, were supportive of the reforms.[354]
Cessation of
so-called ‘legacy’ agreements
Currently there are a range of agreements made prior to
the commencement of the Act that can remain in force, despite their NED having
passed including:
- agreements
that entered into force under the Workplace Relations Act prior to the
Work Choices reforms
- preserved
State agreements originally made under State law and applicable to a federal system
employer as at 27 March 2006 and
- a
few agreements made prior to 1997 under the Industrial Relations Act 1988.[355]
In addition to the above, some agreements made prior to
the commencement of the Act and during the Fair Work Act ‘bridging
period’ (between 1 July 2009 to 31 December 2009, before the commencement of
the BOOT and modern awards) may also be in effect, despite their NED also
having passed.[356]
Any legacy agreement that was in operation when the Act commenced
on 1 July 2009 is subject to the transitional rules contained in Schedule 3 of
the Fair Work
(Transitional Provisions and Consequential Amendments) Act 2009 (TPCA).
Importantly, in the case of collective agreements, they apply not only to the
original parties, but also to new employees who fall within their scope.[357]
In addition, old agreements are subject to the same instrument interaction
rules that applied immediately before the commencement of the FW Act.[358]
Case for
reform
The above legacy agreements can operate in such ways as to
undercut modern employment terms and conditions, for example by providing:
- lower
penalty rates and allowance than the relevant modern award
- different
spans of hours than the relevant modern award
- different
rates of pay for classes of employee.[359]
The RIS notes that the department estimates that around
300,000–450,000 employees are currently covered by agreements made prior to the
Act commencing that have expired, and have not been replaced or terminated, and
which may still be operational. This may represent between 2.7 per cent and 4.1
per cent of all employees.[360]
Further the RIS notes:
This is a significant number of employees who may be
currently receiving penalty rates and allowances lower then currently provided
for in the relevant modern award (the Fair Work Act guarantees employees must
receive the relevant base rate of pay). This also has potentially serious
consequences for market competition, if there are employers that are able to
undercut market rates of labour by maintaining lesser rates in legacy
agreements.[361]
The RIS argues that any negative impacts to employers from
the proposed changes ‘is outweighed by the benefits to employees and the
broader economy of terminating legacy enterprise agreements’.[362]
Proposed amendments in relation to
legacy agreements
Collectively the items in Part 13 of Schedule 3 of
the Bill provide for the sunsetting (termination) of various legacy instruments
and agreements on 1 July 2022, and provide that these agreements can never
again cover any employees or employers. The effect of this is that either:
- employers
and employees covered by these instruments can make new enterprise agreements
by 1 July 2022 or
- if
no new enterprise agreement is agreed, the relevant modern award would apply.
Stakeholder
views
The AWU, whilst supporting the changes, notes ‘it is
unclear why these instruments can continue operating until 1 July 2022’ and
argues:
… the array of amendments in the Bill that will benefit
employers commence operating the day after Royal Assent but this provision,
which will likely lead to improved conditions for employees, will not commence
operating until 1 July 2022. The situation is manifestly unjust. Employers
generally have greater financial resources at their disposal than employees,
yet employers are given 18 months to prepare for changes whereas employees have
to deal with them immediately.[363]
The Western Australian Government expressed similar
concerns about the termination timeframe, noting:
The age of transitional instruments can be upward of 10 or
more years. The parties to such instruments have therefore had ample time in
which to negotiate replacement agreements. The age of these agreements means
their provisions are increasingly outdated and could not, if negotiated today,
be registered under the FW Act due to inconsistencies with modern award
conditions. This perpetuates unfairness in the treatment of employees working
within the same industry.
Lastly, the continued existence of transitional instruments
for a further 18 months has commercial implications and undermines the notion
of a level playing field where national system businesses are able to compete
equally. It is submitted that a shorter time be included in the Bill for the
automatic termination of these agreements.[364]
In that regard it is worth noting that enterprise
agreements can often take a substantial length of time to negotiate, and the
Act does not prevent employers and employees covered by legacy agreements
commencing negotiations for a new enterprise agreement if they choose to.
The National Road Transport Association, whilst supportive
of the measure argues:
There should be a concerted education campaign for employers
so that they are able to bargain for a new agreement ahead of the 1 July 2022
date. That education campaign could, as suggested earlier in another context,
be undertaken through the FWO’s offices.[365]
Schedule 4 -
Greenfields agreement reforms for major projects
The Fair Work Act makes provision for enterprise
agreements between genuinely new enterprises (such as a new business or
project) made at a time where there is not yet any person employed by the
enterprise. In these cases, agreement can instead be made with the relevant
union – these are known as greenfields agreements.[366]
Agreements can also be approved without union agreement on application to the
FWC by the employer at the end of a six month negotiation period.[367]
These agreements have a nominal expiry date of four years, the same as other
enterprise agreements.[368]
The amendments in Schedule 4 of the Bill allow the
FWC to approve greenfields agreements with a nominal expiry date of up to eight
years for ‘major projects’.[369]
Major projects are projects:
- which
have a capital expenditure of at least $500 million or
- which
have a capital expenditure of at least $250 million and are designated by the
Minister by non-disallowable legislative instrument.[370]
When deciding whether to declare a project as a major
project, the Minister must consider:
- the
project’s national significance
- the
project’s regional significance
- whether
the project is expected to contribute to job creation and
- any
other matter the Minister thinks relevant.[371]
The FWC cannot approve a greenfields agreement for a major
project with an expiry date of greater than four years unless it is satisfied
the agreement has a term that provides for at least an annual increase of the
base rate of pay for each employee.[372]
The Government notes that the current four year limit for
greenfields agreements means that agreements can expire part way through the
construction of a major project – thereby causing uncertainty to investors due
to lengthy enterprise agreement negotiations and potential industrial action.[373]
The Government argues that the amendments ‘will increase the attractiveness of
Australia as a destination for major project investment, particularly for major
resources and construction projects’.[374]
The Government quotes Deloitte Access Economics’ Investment Monitor report
in noting that there are 191 projects with a cost of at least $500 million and
a further 133 projects with a value of at least $250 million in the pipeline –
representing potential investment in the Australian economy.[375]
Stakeholder views
The Western Australian Chamber of Commerce Industry is
supportive of the amendments in Schedule 4. The Chamber notes that one
of the challenges in attracting investments for major resources projects is the
inability for terms and conditions of employment to be negotiated for the life
of a major project and the risk of industrial action occurring mid-project.[376]
The Chamber notes that that this risk has been realised in several major LNG
projects in Western Australia and Queensland, which have been subject to applications
for protected industrial action during mid-project enterprise agreement
negotiations.[377]
The Australian Resources & Energy Group AMMA (AMMA) is
similarly supportive of the amendments and argues that they would deliver
increased confidence to major project investors and significantly increase the
prospect of new projects receiving final approval. This would occur due to the
amendments providing greater certainty around labour costs, providing
protection from industrial action and providing commodity customers with
greater certainty.[378]
AMMA further argues that the major project workforces are amongst the least
vulnerable and highest earning employees in the country – meaning that extended
agreements would not pose a risk for employees’ entitlements to fall below
award minimums.[379]
The ACTU argues that the threshold for what is considered
a major project is ‘extremely low’ and would be met by small projects, such as
the construction of buildings in the Sydney or Melbourne CBD.[380]
The ACTU also draws attention to the ability of employers to seek approval for
greenfields agreements without union agreement after six months, thereby
locking employees into eight year agreement without their or their union’s
approval.[381]
The Maritime Union of Australia (MUA) and the Construction
and General Division of the Construction Forestry, Maritime, Mining and Energy
Union (CFMMEU) argue that the proposal will exacerbate existing mental health
issues that pervade fly-in, fly-out and drive-in, drive-out work by removing
the opportunity of workers on longer-term projects from trying to improve their
working conditions and to address any serious concerns.[382]
The MUA and CFMMEU note that the right to bargain collectively and to strike
are fundamental rights enshrined in international law and are often the only
way workers can assert their interests against their employers.[383]
The MUA and CFMMEU further state that greenfields agreements are already
anomalous in that they are made without worker approval.[384]
The MUA and CFMMEU argue that this means that any amendments to greenfields
agreement provisions should be considered carefully.[385]
The Queensland Government has expressed concern around the
broad discretion for the Minister to declare what is considered to be a major
project and argues that this has the potential to significantly restrict
workers’ rights to engage in enterprise bargaining with their employer.[386]
Schedule 5: Compliance and enforcement measures
Parts 1, and 3 to 6 of Schedule 5 contain various
amendments related to enforcement and compliance.
Increasing
civil penalties for certain contraventions of the Act
Currently breaches of various obligations under the Act
attract a range of civil penalties. For example, a failure to correctly pay the
rates specified in the award that applies to the employee will attract a civil
penalty.[387]
Whilst not explored in detail, these penalties generally
range from up to 60 penalty units ($13,320) for normal contraventions through
to 600 penalty units ($133,200) for serious contraventions by an individual,
and five times those amounts for a body corporate.[388]
A contravention of a civil remedy provision is a serious contravention
if the person knowingly contravened the provision and the contravention was part
of a systematic pattern of conduct relating to one or more other persons.[389]
A body corporate knowingly contravenes a civil remedy provision if the body corporate
expressly, tacitly or impliedly authorised the contravention.[390]
Proposed amendments
The Bill will increase the civil penalties for non-serious
contraventions related to:
- remuneration
of employees
- sham
contracting and
- non-compliance
with compliance notices.
In addition to the above, the Bill will also:
- introduce
a new penalty for remuneration-related contraventions by bodies
corporate based on a multiple of the ‘value of the benefit’ of the
contravention
- introduce
a new civil contravention that prohibits employers publishing (or causing to be
published) job advertisements with pay rates specified at less than the
relevant national minimum wage.
Breaches
related to employee remuneration
The Bill will introduce the new concept of a remuneration-related
contravention.[391]
Essentially a remuneration-related contravention is a
contravention of the Act or industrial instrument related to non-payment, late
payment or underpayment of wages and entitlements, unreasonable deductions from
amounts owed to employees and placing unreasonable requirements on employees to
spend or pay amounts paid or payable to the employee.
Increases to
existing penalties
Items 2 to 5 of Schedule 5 increase
the maximum penalties for remuneration-related contraventions by
50%, but also introduce an alternative mechanism by which to calculate the
penalty for such contraventions. The calculations are based on a multiple of
the value of the benefit the employer obtained from the contravention
(discussed below). As a result of those increases the maximum penalty for
non-serious remuneration-related contraventions will be:
- in
the case of individuals: 90 penalty units ($19,980)
- in
the case of body corporates that are small businesses: 450 penalty units ($99,900)
- in
the case of body corporates that are medium or large businesses, the greater
value of:
- 450
penalty units ($99,900) or
- two
times the value of the benefit obtained by the employer as a
result of the contravention(s).[392]
In the case of serious remuneration-related
contraventions, the Bill increases the existing penalties applicable to
body corporates (but not individuals) by providing the maximum penalty is the
greater of:
- the
existing penalty of 3,000 penalty units ($666,000) or
- three
times the value of the benefit obtained by the employer as a
result of the serious contravention(s).[393]
Using the
value of the benefit obtained as basis for penalties
As noted above, the Bill will introduce an alternative basis
for calculating penalties for remuneration-related contraventions,
namely the value of the benefit that the employer obtained as a result
of the contravention. This is defined in proposed subsection 546A(1) as:
… the amount of remuneration that employees of the body
corporate would have received, retained or been entitled to if the
contravention had not occurred.
This approach of calculating penalties by reference to the
value of the benefit obtained by a contravention is broadly consistent with
other existing regulatory regimes.[394]
Issue:
calculating value of the benefit obtained
Employment law experts have noted that determining the
value of the benefits obtained by an employer as a result of a remuneration-related
contravention can be difficult where:
- employment
records are missing or
- legal
or factual issues are in dispute (such as the relevant classification level or
hours worked by the relevant employee).[395]
As discussed later in this digest, the above factors may
also impact the effectiveness of the proposed criminal ‘wage theft’ offences.
Issue: who
penalties are paid to
Currently under the Act the Fair Work Ombudsman, employees
and employee organisations all have standing to initiate proceedings related to
contraventions of the Act and to seek both a penalty and compensation for the
contravention.[396]
This includes contraventions in relation to remuneration. Subsection 546(3)
provides that if a court imposes a pecuniary penalty for contravention of a
civil penalty provision it may order that the penalty (or part of the penalty)
be paid to the Commonwealth, a particular organisation or a particular
person.
As noted in one submission, providing courts with this
discretion is:
… intended to encourage persons and organisations, such as
trade unions, community legal centres and private practitioners, to ‘police the
relevant legislation’.[397]
Further, as noted in a recent judgment:
Public resources allocated to police the FWA [the Act] are
limited. The financial ability of an individual worker to police a perceived
contravention of the FWA [the Act] is also in most cases limited. Workers,
collectively, via a trade union, are thereby better equipped to do this. The
policing by trade unions of compliance with industrial laws is a longstanding,
legitimate role of trade unions. This does not just serve the interests of the particular
workers concerned, or the trade union. It serves the national interest.[398]
Proposed subsection 546(3A) provides that any
penalty based on the new ‘value of the benefit’ method outlined above may only
be payable to the Commonwealth. The Explanatory Memorandum contains no
rationale as to why this is the case.
Stakeholder
views
Trade unions, whilst generally supportive of the increased
penalties, expressed concern at the inclusion of the limitation on who
penalties for remuneration-related contraventions can be paid to under
proposed subsection 546(3A). Employment law academics expressed
similar concerns.[399]
For example, the ACTU suggests:
The Commonwealth has a very poor record of prosecution and
enforcement through the responsible authority, the Fair Work Ombudsman… The
effect of this new provision excluding payment of the penalty to other person
or organisation further limits the capacity of anyone other than the
Commonwealth to properly resource compliance efforts. Permitting the person or
organisation who brings the proceedings to retain the penalty allows for the
expense of the legal proceedings to be recovered from the amount awarded by way
of penalty rather than intruding into the compensation provided for the
underpayment itself. The sound policy rationale for such an approach does not
evaporate by reason of there being a new method of calculating maximum
penalties. The current position should be retained.[400]
Employer and industry groups generally oppose the changes
discussed above.[401]
For example, the Australian Industry Group suggests:
As currently drafted, many of the provisions in Schedule 5 of
the Bill are highly punitive and would operate as a barrier to jobs growth and
investment during the recovery from the pandemic… the framing of civil penalties
based on a ‘benefit obtained’ approach is inappropriate for underpayment
contraventions, many of which are the result of genuine payroll errors. Under
competition law, where a company has obtained a commercial benefit from unfair
and unlawful competition, it is logical to impose a penalty that is based on
the extent of the benefit obtained because the company will not be typically
required to compensate those impacted. However, this is not a logical approach
with wage underpayments because the employer will have to back-pay the
employees and therefore will not typically receive any benefits from the
underpayments.[402]
Increases to
other penalties and new penalties related to job advertisements
As noted above, the Bill will increase the civil penalties
related to sham contracting, non-compliance with compliance notices and
introduce new civil penalties for advertising employment below the relevant
minimum wage. The table below sets out the increases and proposed new penalties
to give context to the discussion that follows.
Table 2 : increases to civil penalties and new civil
penalties
Type of contravention |
Existing ordinary civil penalty |
Proposed ordinary civil penalty |
Individual |
Body corporate |
Individual |
Body corporate |
Sham contracting-related contravention |
60 penalty units[403] |
300 penalty units[404] |
90 penalty units[405] |
450 penalty units[406] |
Non-compliance with a compliance notice |
30 penalty units[407] |
150 penalty units[408] |
45 penalty units[409] |
225 penalty units[410] |
Source: as per footnotes in
table.
Increases to
penalties for sham contracting
Engaging independent contractors instead of employees is a
method some employers use to seek to increase flexibility in managing their
workforce, and to shift various risk from them to the independent
contractor/employee. As noted in one decision:
… sham contracting occurs where an employer disguises an
employment relationship as an independent contracting relationship. The vice of
this conduct is that it unfairly deprives workers of the benefits of employment
and undermines the effective operation of the system established by the Fair
Work Act 2009 (Cth) (the FW Act) and other industrial legislation. Additionally,
it arguably distorts competition to the disadvantage of employers who honour their
statutory obligations. It constitutes an offence under the FW Act.[411]
(emphasis added)
The Act prohibits naming what is in fact an
employment relationship as a principal/contractor relationship. The Act does
this by prohibiting:
- ‘sham
arrangements’ and
- related
conduct (such as dismissing an employee who performs particular work for the
employer in order to engage them as an ‘independent contractor’ performing the
same or substantially the same, work)
in its general protections provisions.[412]
Items 36 to 39 of Schedule 5 of the Bill
have the effect of applying the increased penalties for sham contracting
arrangements as noted in the table above.
Stakeholder
views
Trade unions support the increase to the penalties
applicable for sham contracting, but suggested that the ‘not reckless’ defence
be abolished as recommended in a number of reviews and inquiry reports in
recent years.[413]
Labour law academics likewise recommended:
- the
‘not reckless’ defence be abolished and replaced with a ‘reasonableness’ test
and
- that
as sham contracting arrangements are ‘often knowing and systematic by their
very nature’ they should attract the penalties which attach to serious
contraventions.[414]
Australian Industry Group opposed these amendments, given
its general position that the increase in penalties provided for in the Bill is
not justified at this time.[415]
Increases to
penalties for breaches of compliance notices
Under section 716 of the Act, where a Fair Work Inspector
(Inspector) reasonably believes a person has contravened certain provisions
they can give a notice requiring the person remedy the effect of those
contraventions (for example when not paying correct award rates of pay to
employees).
A failure to comply with the compliance notice attracts a
civil penalty, as set out in the table above. Items 33 to 35 of
Schedule 5 increase the penalties for non-compliance with a compliance notice
by 50% and make related amendments.
New
penalties for advertising employment below relevant minimum wage
The FWC publishes the national minimum wage annually in
the national minimum wage order (NMWO).[416]
Proposed section 536AA will prohibit employers from
advertising, or causing to be advertised, a job with the employer specifying a
rate of pay less than the relevant national minimum wage. The penalties for
doing so are 60 penalty units for an individual and 300 penalty units for a
body corporate.[417]
However, proposed subsection 536AA(2) permits a
base rate of pay that is below the national minimum wage to be advertised by an
employer if it is the base rate of pay the employer is legally required to pay.
The Explanatory Memorandum notes that this could occur where the lawful rate
under a modern award is lower than the minimum wage.[418]
Item 26 inserts proposed paragraph 557(2)(oa)
to ensure that two or more contraventions of the advertising prohibition in proposed
section 536AA are treated as a single contravention (and therefore penalised
once) where they are:
- committed
by the same person and
- arise
out of a course of conduct by that person.
The Explanatory Memorandum notes that this could apply where
an employer arranges for the same non-compliant employment advertisement to be
published on two websites.[419]
Stakeholder
views
Whilst trade unions are generally supportive of the
measure, the ACTU expressed disappointment that only the FWO will have standing
to bring proceedings with respect to advertisements that specify a rate of pay
less than the relevant national minimum wage, arguing:
The practical effect of this limitation is that it will
reduce the likelihood of employers who do contravene the provision ever being
detected and facing sanction.[420]
Some legal academics note that the Migrant Workers’
Taskforce recommended that advertising rates of pay that breach the Act (not
just the relevant national minimum wage) should be banned, that is, extending
the prohibition to job advertisements that publish pay rates below the relevant
base rates of pay in an award or enterprise agreement.[421]
Some employer groups expressed opposition to the measure,
with the ACCI arguing ‘there is no basis to regulate job advertising through
the Fair Work Act’.[422]
Schedule 5: changes to small claim dispute resolution
processes
Part 2 of Schedule 5 will amend the Act to:
- expand
access to the small claims procedure by raising the jurisdictional limit for
small claims from $20,000 to $50,000
- enable
successful claimants to recover filing fees and
- enable
the Federal Circuit Court and magistrates courts to refer small claims matters
to the FWC for conciliation and, if conciliation is unsuccessful, arbitration
with consent of the parties.
Pages 67 to 71 of the Explanatory Memorandum provide
additional details regarding these amendments.
Stakeholder
views
Whilst most stakeholders expressed at least some support
for the above reforms, some concerns and comments regarding the proposed
changes included:
- the
capacity of the FWC to resolve claims would be further enhanced if the FWC could
arbitrate the claims without the permission of the parties as ‘recalcitrant
employers who are refusing to pay wages due are unlikely to be affected by a
system that obligates them to attend a conciliation but does not contain the
power to require them to pay’[423]
- as
underpayment issues ‘tend to arise in the context of an unfair dismissal or
general protections claim’ it may be sensible ‘for such matters to be heard
together, and for the FWC to be authorised to deal with all of these matters
via conciliation and, if needed, consent arbitration’[424]
- the
FWC ‘is deprived of its power to give an opinion or recommendation to the
parties, which is particularly significant given that the parties will likely
be unrepresented and inexperienced’[425]
- appeal
rights from arbitration should be limited[426]
- arbitration
should remain only available with the consent of both parties, and be subject
to both appeal and judicial review[427]
- the
Bill should ensure that the Federal Circuit Court has the power to review
arbitration decisions under proposed section 548D on questions of law.[428]
Schedule 5: criminalising certain forms of wage theft
Whilst definitions differ, the term ‘wage theft’ in
general can be said to refer to both the underpayment of wages as well as the
non-payment of wages (both intentional and non-intentional). The Queensland
Parliament Education, Employment and Small Business Committee’s inquiry into
the cost of wage theft in Queensland, defined wage theft as:
The underpayment or non-payment of wages or entitlements to a
worker by an employer, encapsulating any of a range of activities that deny
workers their legal entitlements.[429]
Various inquiries and reports at the state and
Commonwealth level have examined wage theft in recent years including:
- Senate
Education and Employment References Committee, ‘Chapter 6: wage
theft’, Corporate Avoidance of the Fair Work Act, 6 September 2017
- Senate
Standing Committee on Economics, Superbad – Wage
Theft and Non-compliance of the Superannuation Guarantee, 2 May 2017
- Senate
Education and Employment References Committee, Wage Theft?
What Wage Theft?!: The Exploitation of General and Specialist Cleaners Working
in Retail Chains for Contracting or Subcontracting Cleaning Companies, November
2018
- Queensland
Education, Employment, and Small Business Committee, A
Fair Day’s Pay for a Fair Day’s Work? Exposing the True Cost of Wage Theft in
Queensland, Report, 9, November 2018
- A
Fels AO and D Cousins AM, ‘Report of the
Migrants Workers’ Taskforce’, Australian Government, March 2019 and
- T
Beech, Inquiry
into Wage Theft in Western Australia, June 2019.
Whilst this digest does not examine the above reports,
they highlight the contemporary and ongoing concerns regarding wage theft.
Application
of existing criminal laws to wage theft cases and recent reforms
Most states and territories have criminal legislation that
could be applied to cases of deliberate underpayment or non-payment of wages.
These offences are usually part of the family of offences related to fraud,
dishonestly obtaining a financial benefit or obtaining a financial advantage by
deceit.[430]
Whilst the general criminal law in the states and
territories has been successfully applied in relation to what is colloquially
termed wage theft, such cases appear to be uncommon.[431]
This, and on-going concern about the prevalence of wage theft in Australia has
prompted some states to pass specific criminal laws dealing with wage theft,
including:
In addition to the above, Western Australia introduced a
Bill aimed in part at tackling wage theft by using civil penalty provisions and
enhanced regulatory powers.[432]
The drafting of the Bill’s wage theft offence differs from both the Queensland
and Victorian laws, as examined below.
Wage theft amendments in the Bill
Part 7 of Schedule 5 seeks to criminalise wage
theft. Proposed subsection 324B(1) (at item 46 of Schedule 5)
provides that an employer commits an offence if the employer dishonestly engages
in a systematic pattern of underpaying one or more employees.
Meaning of
dishonest and potential defences
The Bill defines dishonest as:
- dishonest
according to the standards of ordinary people and
- known
by the defendant to be dishonest according to the standards of ordinary people.[433]
In relation to the definition of dishonest that
underpins the offence, the Explanatory Memorandum notes:
If conduct is not intentional (including if it is accidental,
inadvertent or otherwise a genuine mistake), it cannot be dishonest by this
standard. A defendant is not dishonest if they genuinely believed they paid
relevant amounts in full (or that there was no underpayment), even if this
belief is unreasonable or unfounded. Nevertheless, the reasonableness of
the defendant’s claim will be a factor in determining whether they actually
held such a belief. New subsection 324B(4) makes clear that whether or not a
defendant has been dishonest is ultimately a matter for the trier of fact (that
is, judge or jury).[434]
The Human Rights Compatibility Statement notes:
The fault element for the offence is dishonesty, which
necessarily involves intention to engage in (or knowledge of)
wrongdoing.[435]
(emphasis added)
Potential defence based on ‘genuine
belief’
As a result of the definition of dishonest
discussed above the Bill would appear to allow ‘genuine belief’ to operate as a
defence, even in circumstances where such belief was unreasonable. In contrast
to the Bill, the Victorian Wage Theft Act does not require the defendant
to know that their behaviour is dishonest by the standards of ordinary
people—it only requires that the behaviour is dishonest according to the
standards of a reasonable person. Under the Victorian legislation a defence
exists where an:
… employer proves that, before the alleged offence, the
employer had exercised due diligence to pay or attribute the employee
entitlements to the employee.[436]
In contrast to both the Bill and the Victorian Wage
Theft Act, the Queensland reform was to the definition of stealing
in the Criminal Code Act 1899. Whilst not explored in detail in this
Digest, the definition of stealing used in the Queensland legislation and how
intent is defined for the purposes of the offence would appear to prevent a
‘genuine’ (but unreasonable) belief defence of the type possible under the
Bill, whilst still allowing for a defence of mistake of fact to operate.[437]
In summary, both the Queensland and Victorian wage theft
reforms allow for defences based on either due diligence or a reasonable
mistake of fact, whereas the offence proposed by the Bill allows for a broader
defence of ‘genuine belief’ with no additional requirement that the genuine
belief leading to the offence was reasonable.
Requirement
that there is a systematic pattern of underpayment
The Bill will only criminalise conduct that amounts to a systematic
pattern of underpaying one or more employees. Proposed subsection
324B(5) provides that in determining whether the employer engaged in a systematic
pattern of underpaying one or more employees a court may have regard
to:
- the
number of underpayments
- the
period over which the underpayments occurred
- the
number of employees affected by the underpayments
- the
employer’s response, or failure to respond, to any complaints made about the
underpayments and
- whether
the employer failed to comply with a requirement in relation to keeping
employee records and providing payslips to employees.
That is, as noted in the Explanatory Memorandum, the
offence will not capture ‘inadvertent or one-off conduct’.[438]
In contrast both the Victorian and Queensland wage-theft laws do not impose a
‘systematic pattern’ requirement – that is, they can apply to a single instance
of under or non-payment of wages, or to a number of such instances that do not
amount a ‘systematic’ pattern.
Applicable
penalty
The table below sets out the penalty imposed for the wage
theft offence under the Bill in comparison to those in Victoria and Queensland.
Table 3: comparison of custodial
penalties for wage theft offences
Legislation |
Maximum custodial penalty for individuals |
Fair Work Amendment (Supporting Australia’s Jobs and
Economic Recovery) Bill 2020[439] |
Imprisonment for 4 years |
Wage Theft Act 2020 (Vic)[440] |
10 years imprisonment |
Criminal Code Act 1899 (Qld)[441] |
10 years imprisonment |
Source: as per footnotes in table.
Key issue:
Bill will override existing state wage-theft laws
Section 26 of the Fair Work Act provides that the
Act applies to the exclusion of all state or territory industrial laws, so far
as they would apply in relation to a national system employee or a national
system employer as defined in the Act.
Proposed paragraphs 26(2)(da) and (db) along
with item 44 operate to exclude state or territory laws that criminalise
underpayment or record-keeping failures by national system employers in
relation to their employees, but not general criminal laws of theft or fraud.
That is, the Bill will effectively override the operation
of the recently enacted Victorian laws, and potentially the Queensland laws,[442]
discussed above, in relation to national system employers and employees.[443]
Key issue:
related conduct not criminalised
The Bill criminalises wage theft, but not other associated
conduct such as incorrect record keeping, failing to provide payslips,
providing fraudulent payslips, ‘cash-back’ schemes and others. Instead, the Act
applies civil penalties to those forms of misconduct. In contrast the Victorian
Wage Theft Act does criminalise record-keeping failures commonly
associated with wage theft.[444]
However, as noted above the Bill will not only override
state and territory laws that specifically criminalise wage theft, but also
those that specifically criminalise record-keeping failures commonly associated
with wage theft.
Key issue: proving systematic
pattern exists
In relation to the application of the proposed criminal
offence for underpayment or non-payment of wages where:
- employment
records are missing or
- legal
or factual issues are in dispute (such as the relevant classification level or
hours worked by the relevant employee)
it may be difficult to prove the existence of a systemic
pattern of underpayment or non-payment of wages. As such the non-existence of
important records related to employment may, as a practical matter, impact on
the effectiveness of the proposed criminal ‘wage theft’ offences in such cases.
Further, as failure to keep such records is not criminalised (as is the case in
the Victorian legislation) there may be an incentive for dishonest employers to
intentionally fail to keep records with a view to obscuring what has occurred
and thereby making criminal prosecution against them more difficult.
Stakeholder
views
Whilst some employer and industry groups opposed the
introduction of a wage theft offence,[445]
others expressed in-principle support for such a measure and suggested
improvements to the drafting of the offence in the Bill.[446]
Trade unions were generally supportive of the inclusion of
a wage theft offence in the Act, but expressed a preference for:
- state
and territory laws to be able to operate alongside the proposed Commonwealth
offence and
- the
offences to have a different fault element, including potentially strict
liability offences in some circumstances.[447]
The Law Council of Australia expressed concern about the
drafting of the amendments to section 26 of the Act, noting it was not entirely
clear if the current drafting would exclude the operation of the Queensland
laws referred to above, as appears to be the intention from the explanatory
materials.[448]
Employment law academics expressed concern that the ‘limited scope’ of the
offence proposed by the Bill, and its potential overlap with existing civil
penalties may ‘reduce the regulatory value of this offence provision’ and
further noted:
Research on the deterrence effects of criminal sanctions
suggests that it is enforcement – not enactment – which is essential to
delivering deterrence and curbing non-compliance.[449]
Schedule 6 –
Fair Work Commission amendments
Proposed amendments – dismissing
applications
The Fair Work Act provides for various applications
to be made to the FWC, for example applications for unfair dismissal, for
bullying stop orders, in relation to general protection disputes, for single
enterprise agreements and to deal with disputes under awards and agreements.[450]
Currently under the Fair Work Act, the FWC can
dismiss an application if:
- the
application is not made in accordance with this Act
- the
application is frivolous or vexatious or
- the
application has no reasonable prospects of success.[451]
The amendments in Schedule 6 replace existing
section 587 with proposed section 587. Proposed section 587
retains the existing criteria where the FWC may dismiss an application but also
extends the grounds where the FWC can dismiss an application to include where
the application is misconceived or lacking in substance or is otherwise an
abuse of process of the FWC.[452]
The Government notes that this amendment aligns the FWC’s powers to deal with
unreasonable applications with the powers found under the Administrative
Appeals Tribunal Act 1975.[453]
Schedule 6 also inserts proposed section 587A
into the Fair Work Act, which allows the FWC to order a person whose
application has been dismissed under proposed section 587 to be
prevented from lodging subsequent applications of a kind specified in an order,
without the permission of the FWC.
Proposed amendments - varying and
revoking FWC decisions
As a general rule, the FWC is able to vary or revoke a
decision that it has made under the Act, whether on its own initiative or on
application by an affected person or a person prescribed by the regulations.[454]
Currently, the FWC however cannot revoke or vary decisions which deal with
enterprise agreements or workplace determinations.[455]
Item 2 of Schedule 6 removes the exemptions in
relation to enterprise agreement and workplace determination decisions –
meaning that these decisions can be subject to variation or revocation by the
FWC. This may allow the FWC to, for example, rectify a decision where the wrong
version of an enterprise agreement has been approved.[456]
Proposed amendments - Process for
appealing or reviewing decisions
The Act allows an appeal or review of certain decisions
(including decisions made by the FWC itself) to be reviewed by the FWC without
holding a hearing.[457]
This can only occur where the FWC believes that the appeal or review can be
adequately determined without oral submissions and where the parties who would
have made submissions have consented.[458]
Item 3 of Schedule 6 repeals current
paragraph 607(1)(b) and replaces it with proposed paragraph 607(1)(b)
which removes the need for consent from parties for no hearing to be held –
instead the FWC only has to take into account the views of those parties
in determining whether it is appropriate for no hearing to be held.
Stakeholder views
The FWC itself is supportive of these amendments, noting:
At present, the Commission does not have an effective
mechanism to deal with vexatious litigants. While the Commission can dismiss an
application that is frivolous, vexatious or has no reasonable prospects of
success, broader grounds for dismissing an application are available to the AAT
and to the courts, and even if a matter can be dismissed on these grounds, the
Commission cannot prevent the applicant making further applications relating to
the same underlying dispute or against the same party.
The Bill’s new ss.587 and 587A would provide the Commission
with more effective means of dealing with vexatious litigants, so as to avoid the
costs to individuals and businesses that would otherwise be drawn into their
litigation and the waste of public resources.[459]
The Law Council notes that while the amendments broaden
the grounds on which the FWC can dismiss an application, they are still tests
with high thresholds – the Law Council suggests that more discretion could be
given to the FWC through wording such as not ‘in the public interest’ being
added to the amendments.[460]
The ACCI notes that on balance it supports the amendments
in Schedule 6, however recommended that the General Manager of the FWC
be required to report on the impact of the amendments to section 587 so as to
understand what sort of applications are being dismissed and in what
circumstances.[461]
The Australian Industry Group did not have any concerns with the amendments,
and argued that the existing provisions of the Fair Work Act at sections
577 and 578 mean that parties would still need to be afforded natural justice
and procedural fairness by the FWC, even with the amendments.[462]
The ACTU believes that the amendments in proposed
section 587 (that replaces the existing section) ‘are of little
significance’, arguing that the additional grounds would only be useful should
there be applications under the current framework that are misconceived or
lacking in substance but still have reasonable grounds of success.[463]
The ACTU however strongly opposes the insertion of proposed
section 587A, arguing that this provision presents a ‘real and substantive
impairment’ to the right to a fair trial.[464]
Similarly, the ACTU notes the amendments at Item 3 represent a
‘significant diminution of rights’ in relation to having a hearing.[465]
The ACTU also argues that the repeals of paragraphs 603(3)(b) and (c) are
problematic in that they may ‘disenfranchise workers’, especially in
conjunction with other amendments in the Bill:
The proposed amendments to section 603 appear intended to
permit FWC to vary or revoke decisions that currently would require permission
to appeal and a successful appeal to overturn. That the decisions identified
are those which relate to enterprise agreements and workplace determinations
suggest, having regard to the amendments set out in Part 5 of Schedule 3 and
elsewhere, that the effect of revised section 603 may be (and may be intended
to be) to disenfranchise workers in relation to the terms and conditions of
their employment.[466]
Some stakeholders and political parties have made
accusations around ‘stacking’ of the FWC with members from either employee or
employer backgrounds by ‘unfriendly governments’.[467]
Such allegations can be seen from ‘both sides’ of the industrial relations
landscape.[468]
The Australian Financial Review reported in February 2020 that the FWC
is made up of 23 Coalition appointees and 19 Labor appointees, but also noted
that Coalition appointees do not make up a majority of full bench members.[469]
In the context of these claims and concerns around the
possible partisan nature of the FWC, it should be noted that the amendments in Schedule
6 (as well as in the Bill generally) broaden the general discretion of the
FWC.
Appendix A
Amendments to when a non-BOOT
compliant agreement can be approved (subsequently removed from the Bill)
The Fair Work Act currently provides the FWC can
approve an otherwise compliant agreement that does not pass the BOOT test where
it is satisfied that the approval of the agreement would not be contrary to the
public interest because of exceptional circumstances.[471]
The FWC considers the test to be applied here ‘is not whether the agreement is
in the broader public interest but whether the agreement, because of
exceptional circumstances, is not contrary to the public interest, which is a
lower test’.[472]
The test therefore centres on an assessment of whether exceptional
circumstances exist that allows the approval of a non-BOOT compliant agreement.
The concept of exceptional circumstances was summarised by the Full Bench of
the FWC as follows:
In summary, the expression ‘exceptional circumstances’ has
its ordinary meaning and requires consideration of all the circumstances. To
be exceptional, circumstances must be out of the ordinary course, or unusual,
or special, or uncommon but need not be unique, or unprecedented, or very
rare. Circumstances will not be exceptional if they are regularly, or
routinely, or normally encountered. Exceptional circumstances can include a
single exceptional matter, a combination of exceptional factors or a
combination of ordinary factors which, although individually of no particular
significance, when taken together are seen as exceptional. It is not correct to
construe ‘exceptional circumstances’ as being only some unexpected occurrence,
although frequently it will be. Nor is it correct to construe the plural
‘circumstances’ as if it were only a singular occurrence, even though it can be
a one off situation. The ordinary and natural meaning of ‘exceptional
circumstances’ includes a combination of factors which, when viewed together,
may reasonably be seen as producing a situation which is out of the ordinary
course, unusual, special or uncommon.[473]
(Emphasis added)
Under the Bill’s amendments, the above test at section 189
is retained. The Bill as introduced however created a new and separate test
that could be applied where the FWC considers the approval of a non-BOOT
compliant agreement. A nominal expiry date of a maximum of two years was to
apply to these agreements, as is currently the case for enterprise agreements
that do not pass the BOOT but are approved because, due to exceptional
circumstances, the FWC is satisfied that their approval is not contrary to the
public interest.[474]
Item 19 of Schedule 3 to the Bill as introduced
inserted proposed subsection 189(1A). This provision had stipulated that
the FWC could approve an otherwise compliant agreement that does not pass the
BOOT if the FWC is satisfied that it is appropriate to do so taking into
account all the circumstances, and that because of these circumstances,
the approval would not be contrary to the public interest. These provisions
were to sunset two years from commencement.[475]
The Bill listed the following as what these circumstances
included:
- the
views of the employees, and of the employer or employers, covered by the
agreement and of the bargaining representatives for the agreement
- the
circumstances of employees, employers and employee organisations that have
given the FWC a notice that they want to be covered by the agreement, including
the likely effect that approving or not approving the agreement would have on
each of them
- the
impact of COVID-19 on the relevant enterprise and
- the
extent of employee support for the agreement as expressed in the employee vote.[476]
The above circumstances are in effect a subset of all
circumstances that the FWC must take into account – as they are explicitly
mentioned the FWC would have needed to consider these listed factors at the
very least when considering the approval of a non-BOOT compliant agreement.
The proposed test for the FWC to approve non-BOOT
compliant agreements had an arguably lower threshold than the existing test.
This is because the new test removed any reference to ‘exceptional
circumstances’ and allowed the FWC to grant approval if ‘appropriate’ to do so.
As noted above, exceptional circumstances are a combination of factors which
produce a situation which is out of the ordinary course, unusual, special or
uncommon.
It is unclear on the basis of the proposed amendments
alone whether in practice they might have allowed the FWC to approve non-BOOT
agreements in situations that would not have passed the ‘exceptional
circumstances ‘ threshold. In general the original provisions had a lack of
clarity as to how the new non-BOOT approval process could apply in practice,
and indeed whether it would have operated differently from the existing
‘exceptional circumstances’ test (arguably the impact of COVID-19, for example,
could be seen as exceptional circumstances under the current test). The listed
circumstances in the proposed amendments were not weighted and were not overly
detailed, for example it was not clear what degree of impact of COVID-19 on a
business would have been required to allow the FWC to approve an agreement that
does not pass the BOOT test on this basis.
The uncertainty around these provisions and their
potential impact on employees should they have been hypothetically applied with
a much lower threshold, had made them the most controversial part of this Bill
amongst certain stakeholders. The ACTU for example, strongly opposed the
amendments to the BOOT, noting the uneven power dynamic between workers and
employers and that the BOOT is one part of the industrial relations system that
prevents this power advantage being exercised to the detriment of workers.[477]
The ACTU argued that ‘the test under the new public interest limb is far too
broad and easy to meet’. The ACTU argued that the amendments allowed employers
who do not genuinely need to offer below minimum employment conditions to
recover from COVID-19 to make opportunistic agreements that undercut the safety
net on the basis of any kind of 'impact' of COVID-19 on the business’.[478]
Following discussion with the crossbench, the Government
decided to remove this aspect of the reforms and circulated proposed amendments
repealing the relevant provisions.[479]
The Minister for Industrial Relations reportedly noted:
While we continue to believe this was a sensible and
proportionate proposal in light of the current challenges our economy is
facing, we also understand that this measure had the potential to distract from
other elements of the package which will help employers and employees recover
from the economic impacts of the pandemic …[480]