Chapter 2 Issues in the Bill
Schedule 1 – Native title benefits
2.1
This Schedule has a clearly defined, narrow purpose. It seeks to clarify
that payments and other benefits made under native title agreements are not
subject to income tax, and that certain transfers of native title to trusts do
not attract capital gains tax. This is broadly how the Australian Taxation
Office (ATO) has implemented the tax law to date, but the position has been
unclear and in a small number of cases Indigenous communities have paid tax
because of their particular circumstances. The Schedule is intended to do no
more than clarify this uncertainty and facilitate a small number of refunds.
2.2
However, the overwhelming response of witnesses at the hearing was to
expand the debate and make wider policy changes to native title. As Native
Title Services Victoria observed at the hearing, the policy debate around
native title has progressed over the last 20 years.[1]
It is only natural that groups involved with and affected by native title would
want to improve the way it operates and to help Indigenous communities further
benefit from it.
2.3
But these are big questions. A Schedule that clarifies the tax treatment
of some native title transactions is not the place in which to consider major
policy. These matters can only be addressed through broader consultation, both
in terms of who is involved, and the issues that are on the table. Therefore,
this report focusses on the Bill.
Should the Schedule proceed?
Background
2.4
The main issue debated at the hearing was whether the Schedule should proceed
in its current form. Opinions during the inquiry fell into three categories.[2]
Indigenous organisations generally supported the Schedule because it would
clarify the relevant income tax and capital gains tax issues. However, they wanted
to increase its scope in a range of ways including through the addition of a
tax-exempt vehicle, such as an Indigenous Community Development Corporation, broadening
scope by amending some definitions, or making investment income generated from
native title payments tax exempt.
2.5
The second category was mining groups. These also wanted the inclusion
of a tax-exempt vehicle, but thought that the Schedule should not proceed if
was not amended. They were especially concerned that the Bill could encourage
substantial up front payments to individuals at the expense of longer term,
inter-generational goals.
2.6
The final group comprised the Government of Western Australia. It stated
that a tax exemption specific to native title was not warranted, outside the
normal provisions for charitable trusts. In its view, the Bill should not
proceed in any form. The committee does not regard this view as tenable and
discusses it further below.
2.7
The idea that investment income using money that has attracted the tax
exemption should also be tax exempt was commonly made in submissions.[3]
The argument is that, if native title is meant to assist Indigenous communities
over generations, then the tax exemption should also apply over this time
period:
Following extinguishment and settlement, the ‘asset’ is a
pool of funds and other non-monetary benefits which are notionally expected to
be enjoyed by many future generations of native title holders. It is arguable
that the value of native title rights and interests may increase over time.
Moreover, the opportunity to invest native title payments will benefit future
generations whose native title rights have been lost.
… there are strong policy arguments in favour of extending
the income tax exemption to income derived from investing native title
benefits. This will encourage native title holders to invest and build upon
their asset. It also goes to the original intent of the native title system
which was to recognise native title as an intergenerational asset to be enjoyed
by present and future generations of native title holders.[4]
2.8
Native Title Services Victoria (NTSV) suggested a variation on this. Its
proposal was that investment income should be tax exempt up to the point that
it has covered the effects of inflation and population growth among Indigenous
people. For example, say the typical range of inflation is up to 3.5 per cent
annually and Indigenous population growth is approximately 2.5 per cent
annually. Then the first 6 per cent of investment income each year would also
be NANE income, with the base being reduced if a distribution is made. NTSV
argue that this approach is used in related areas, such as:
- fringe benefits tax,
where some thresholds are adjusted for inflation;
- the mineral resources
rent tax has an uplift factor to take inflation into account; and
- personal injury
settlements, where an annuity will be tax exempt, even if it increases in line
with inflation.[5]
2.9
The Minerals Council of Australia and the Chamber of Minerals and Energy
of Western Australia argued in favour of establishing Indigenous community
development corporations as the vehicle through which Indigenous communities
receive a tax benefit for their agreements with mining companies and other
project proponents.[6] These corporations were
included in the Government’s 2010 consultation paper, but are not included in
the Schedule. The key points of the corporations would be:
- only the corporations
would receive the tax exemption, and only when they applied the funds for community
and economic development;
- payments to
individuals would not be tax exempt, in line with native title’s unique,
communal nature;
- the corporations
would overcome the weaknesses of charitable trusts, which cannot focus on
Indigenous development and do not allow for the accumulation of wealth over
generations; and
- the formal structure
of the corporations would be an opportunity to apply good governance
requirements.[7]
2.10
The Council was especially concerned that individual payments can have a
divisive effect on Indigenous communities and saw the corporations as a way of
avoiding this. It stated:
One of the lessons learnt over the last 20 years has been the
divisive effect in Indigenous communities of native title benefits being paid
directly to individuals. The best known example is the practice of mining
companies operating in the Goldfields region of Western Australia during the
1990s of making substantial payments to registered applicants in order to
secure grants of tenure, which resulted in multiple overlapping native title
claims being made. Where a few individuals can secure control over benefits by
virtue of a privileged position in the group, it has a divisive effect on the
whole community.[8]
Analysis
2.11
The committee believes that a tax exemption for income and capital gains
generated from native title is necessary and appropriate. Native title is
derived from Indigenous peoples’ cultural and religious relationship with the
land that they have enjoyed since before European settlement. Although these
rights are external in character to Australia’s legal system, legislators none
the less have a duty to reconcile the two sets of legal principles, if only
because they interact from time to time. Providing a tax exemption under
Australian law for income and capital gains closely connected with native title
recognises its separate legal character. The committee is in no doubt that the
proposals are consistent with native title.
2.12
Another important preliminary matter is whether the provisions will in
fact clarify the income tax and capital gains tax implications of native title
payments. The ATO commented that this was a complicated area and its experience
to date had been in private binding rulings. However, it confirmed that the
provisions would have the desired effect:
My experience to date is that there have been circumstances
where, because of the peculiar nature of the arrangement … some of these
payments have been treated as being assessable income or generating a CGT
liability. Based on the number of private rulings we have given, they are
certainly the minority, but they certainly do arise. Those issues would almost
certainly be clarified by this legislation such that they would not arise in
the future.[9]
2.13
Arnold Block Leibler agreed, but from a different perspective. In their
view, the ATO has occasionally taken an inconsistent approach to these matters,
which would be rectified by the Bill:
It is absolutely essential that there be new legislation. At
present, confusion abounds on the ground. There is inconsistency in tax
treatment of payments and of entities. We have some instances where entities
are treated as being tax exempt but others that are, for all intents and
purposes, exactly the same are treated as not tax exempt … So in fairness to
the ATO as much as in fairness to all participating bodies, there needs to be
consistency of treatment. That is what is behind the policy intent, as we
understand it, of these laws.[10]
2.14
The committee therefore concludes that the Bill will at least achieve
its stated goal of clarifying that native title payments will be exempt from
income tax and capital gains tax.
2.15
The mining sector was strongly of the view that the Schedule should not
proceed because it would have the unintended consequence of encouraging large
payments to individuals, which would be contrary to long term development
goals:
I think that the question comes back to the behaviour that
you are trying to drive by these tax amendments … If you enacted the
legislation or the bill as it is currently, there is no incentive … to have
today and tomorrow money. There is a positive incentive to distribute
everything immediately. Rio Tinto publicly stated in 2011 that the value of
these native title benefits paid out under our agreements in the Pilbara alone
was $100 million. That is distributed among five, six or seven agreements, but
that is a lot of money to be distributed every year as a straight distribution.[11]
2.16
In order to prevent this outcome, the mining sector has changed the
structure of its agreements with Indigenous communities. These days they tend
to allow for a small amount of money to be distributed up front, with the
majority set aside for longer term goals. BHP Billiton stated in evidence:
We started off with very simple agreements that created some
problems, and one of those problems resulted in the immediate distribution of
all of the benefits that were paid. As result of that, the industry in the
Pilbara moved to a different regime whereby structures were set up to guarantee
the intergenerational improvement that is the government policy and is
something that industry is supporting. But we are now in the third era, because
there is a recognition within industry that Aboriginal people want the ability
to make decisions, and those decisions include the ability to set aside a
proportion of funds for the intergenerational benefits but also to set aside a
proportion of funds for immediate needs, and the tax regime at the moment is
set up in such a way that there is full tax exemption for charitable trusts but
you do not always get the full tax exemption where there is a discretionary
trust.[12]
2.17
The Yamatji Marlpa Aboriginal Corporation gave the perspective of the
other side of negotiating table and confirmed that mining companies have been
driving these outcomes in native title negotiations:
… mining companies have a lot to say in the Pilbara about how
they want benefits to be spent and preserved and looked after. Part of the
negotiation process is for those things to be reflected in agreements, which
the traditional owners have accepted and taken on board. So those sorts of
arrangements already exist to ensure that benefits will last into the future.[13]
2.18
Other witnesses confirmed that the general approach in agreements is
that payments to individuals are small and usually only made when the recipient
needs them.[14]
2.19
On the basis of this evidence, the committee is of the view that the
negative outcome from the Bill envisaged by the mining sector is unlikely to
eventuate. This is because native title agreements are now structured to
prevent it occurring, and this feature of the contracts has been largely driven
by the mining companies themselves, and because the schedule seeks to broadly put
into law the current tax treatment of native title, not change it.
2.20
Since the Schedule is dealing with the income tax and capital gains tax
implications of native title payments, the committee believed it would be
appropriate to raise the associated issue of whether investment income derived
from them should also receive concessional tax treatment. Treasury stated in
evidence that this would not be appropriate because the concessional tax
treatment would continue in perpetuity. What is proposed does not apply in
other areas of the tax law:
I think the issue here is that if anybody receives a payment
and it is tax free, when they go and invest that payment they earn income from
that payment. So the fact that the lump sum you got to begin with was tax free
is pretty well irrelevant to the income that is actually earned from the
investment of that payment because there is further income earned there …
Otherwise you could keep extending that on and say that no-one ever pays tax in
relation to income that has been earned from a native title payment that
originally was non-assessable, exempt income …
… it is similar to when you get a compensation payment and go
away. If the reason you got that compensation payment was, say, for personal
injury and you invest it then that earns income. The fact that it was a
compensation payment for personal injury does not keep tagging along on the
income that is earned from the actual payment.[15]
2.21
The committee acknowledges that the proposal for an Indigenous Community
Development Corporation had support at the hearing. However, this proposal is
outside the scope of the Bill and the committee leaves it for future debate.
2.22
The Committee’s brief is to enquire into the legislation before it. Native
title is relatively new – just 20 years old – and much of the last twenty years
has been spent in proving title. Communities are moving to a phase of trying to
unlock its economic potential and many of the issues raised relate to larger
policy issues. These include the nature of native title once transferred to
another economic form, and the mechanisms that should be available to
indigenous communities to unlock the economic potential for the benefit of
future generations. The larger issues of native title including the pathways
for indigenous communities to grow in strength, confidence and skill in the
management of their native title rights are complex ones. They are a matter of
policy and should be the subject of extensive consultation with indigenous
communities.
2.23
Therefore the committee declines to comment extensively on the
submissions requesting an expansion of the Bill’s range. However, the committee
will say that the evidence given indicates that there is work to be done in
finding agreement on what is an appropriate legal framework that recognises
native title once transferred through a compensation payment to a monetary form.
There is also work to be done on the range of mechanisms that indigenous
communities seek to use to unlock its economic potential for the benefit of
their community now and in the future.
Conclusion
2.24
The purpose of Schedule 1 is to amend the tax law so that it largely reflects
the way that the ATO has been applying the law in relation to native title. It
brings certainty to a group of native title holders who would most likely have
been assessed as tax exempt by the ATO. Others will have to continue to
negotiatate with the ATO on a case by case basis as they do now.
2.25
The Schedule should proceed because the provisions will give Indigenous
communities the clarity they need over the tax treatment of payments under
native title agreements. The beneficial tax treatment is an appropriate
recognition of native title and the committee does not support the position of
the Government of Western Australia to ‘normalise’ taxes in this area.
2.26
The mining sector did express concerns that the Schedule will result in
short term payments to individuals to the detriment of long term goals.
However, this is unlikely to occur because the mining companies themselves have
been driving longer term results in the agreements and the negotiations.
Extending the proposal in the Schedule, through making investment income tax
exempt, is not warranted. This is because it would create an open ended tax
concession that would soon lose connection with the native title interests that
initially generated it.
Definition of native title benefits
Background
2.27
Another theme in submissions, particularly from Indigenous groups, was a
recommendation that the definition of native title benefits should be
broadened. Arnold Bloch Leibler and Yamatji Marlpa Aboriginal Corporation gave
the most in-depth coverage of this. They argued that the definition should be
broadened to apply to all payments under a native title agreement because:
- the Schedule applies
conditions to the definition of a native title benefit, such as requiring the
amount or benefit to be connected to extinguishment or impairment of native
title, but the Government’s press release in June 2012 simply states that the
tax exemption applies to ‘payments from a native title agreement’;
- example 1.8 in the Explanatory
Memorandum, which covers the definition of native title benefits, makes no
reference to the requirement of an extinguishment or impairment of native title;
- current practice is
that native title agreements do not state that payments are being made in
return for their effect on native title;
- there is a risk that
the ATO will query payments made under ILUAs, well after they are made, as to
whether they related to an act affecting native title: ‘At best, confusion will
abound, and at worst the ATO may assess the payments or amounts as subject to
tax (and potentially penalties and interest), with litigation the likely result;’[16]
and
- when a court has
determined there is no native title, the ATO will investigate in some cases whether
an agreement affects native title, which is effectively a ‘Kafkaesque inquiry.’[17]
2.28
Fiona Martin from the University of New South Wales made a similar
argument, which in essence was that there can be a great deal of uncertainty
over native title. ILUAs are typically made so that parties can avoid the
protracted process of determining whether native title exists. The Schedule may
require Indigenous communities and corporations to obtain additional, costly
legal advice on the native title status of a piece of land.[18]
2.29
The hearing discussed the related question of what happens if native
title is found not to exist on a piece of land, and whether the legislation
should be broadened to cater for this possibility.[19]
Ms Martin noted that situations do arise where native title is found to be
extinguished after an agreement.[20]
2.30
Ms Martin also commented that many agreements have a commercial
dimension and are not necessarily made under the Native Title Act 1993 or
other legislation. This means they would not meet the definition of a native
title benefit. Ms Martin recommended that the tax exemption ‘should apply to
ordinary commercial arrangements.’[21]
2.31
The Minerals Council of Australia and the Chamber of Minerals and Energy
of Western Australia also recommended that commercial agreements should be
eligible for the tax exemption. Although they did so in the context of other
changes to the Schedule, they noted that there is often ongoing uncertainty
around native title in some locations, which means that some agreements would
be unnecessarily excluded.[22] Agreements with
Indigenous people in regional Australia often take native title into account,
even when it is apparently extinguished.[23]
2.32
Connected to this is the position of the Chamber and the Council that
the tax exemption should not be compensation for an effect on native title, a
view which is shared by the Government of Western Australia.[24]
They argue that negotiated benefits cover a range of issues in addition to native
title, including land access, community and business development, and
employment. Having a tax exemption linked to native title effects could also
adversely affect mining access negotiations:
Importantly, negotiations are greatly assisted by avoiding
disputation over the percentage of benefits that are to be attributable as
compensation, given the complexity of the issues in assessing how native title
has been affected or will be affected and the lack of case law as a guide on
quantifying compensation …
… the Government’s proposals potentially encourage a narrow
legalistic focus on native title compensation in agreement negotiations rather
than an approach that prioritises addressing the long term relationship between
proponents and Indigenous groups.[25]
Analysis
2.33
At the hearing, Treasury responded to the suggestion that the definition
of a native title benefit should be expanded by stating that this would affect
the integrity of the measure. Potentially, any agreement where an Indigenous
community receives payments from an external party could be tax free:
… if you start trying to expand beyond payments that are,
strictly speaking, for native title to include other sorts of payments, there
are integrity concerns around that when you consider: what if there is a
payment for services provided which is more like remuneration or contracting or
something like that so that the payment goes to the Indigenous community for
services provided?
The treatment should not apply to those types of payments. So
you cannot sort of just broadly switch off the notion and say, 'Everything that
falls underneath the heads of this agreement is treated as a native title
payment.'[26]
2.34
The committee agrees that any commercial payment to an Indigenous
community, without a clear link to native title, does not necessarily warrant
becoming non-assessable, non-exempt income, particularly without reference to
the larger debate on native title. The potential for abusing such a provision
is too broad and if it were enacted, the committee would expect that amending
legislation would soon be introduced to narrow its scope.
2.35
Government witnesses also responded to the concerns expressed that the
tax benefits would not flow to Indigenous communities where it had been found
that native title did not exist, contrary to the policy intent. The Department
of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs stated that the
provisions were drafted on the basis that an inquiry into the precise effect on
native title would not be required for the tax benefit to apply. The Department
expressed this as, ‘there is a nexus to an act that affects native title, but …
there is no requirement for inquiry as to the essential nature of the payments.’[27]
2.36
Treasury made similar comments. It stated that the Office of
Parliamentary Counsel has given its formal advice that the provisions will
implement the policy intent of allowing the tax benefit to apply, even if
native title is subsequently found not to exist. This policy intent is
expressed in the Explanatory Memorandum and Treasury expects that the ATO will
adopt this approach as well:
Our clear intention was, as the explanatory memorandum said,
to give effect to the government's decision that it should apply in such cases.
That would be consistent with the way we understand Indigenous land use
agreements are treated under the Native Title Act. We gave those instructions
to Parliamentary Counsel. These are the words they came up with. Their advice
is that it does give effect to that intention. I accept that it is possible to
interpret it in a different way, but where you are confronted with two
interpretations that are potentially at odds, the Acts Interpretation Act would
require you to prefer the interpretation that gives effect to the legislative
intent. I would expect the Taxation Office to take that view. The legislative
intent is clearly stated in the explanatory memorandum.[28]
2.37
The committee is satisfied by this explanation. The Office of Parliametary
Counsel are the technical experts in this matter and it is ATO practice to
implement the policy intent of the law, which is clearly expressed in the
Explanatory Memorandum.
2.38
In relation to the comments of Arnold Bloch Leibler, the committee
understands that it may be artificial to determine whether there is a native
title effect in an agreement where native title is later found not to exist. However,
the committee notes that this broadly correlates with current practice by
mining companies. They are prepared to negotiate with Indigenous communities as
long as they assume traditional responsibilities, even if native title is later
found not to exist:
What we see right across the Pilbara and the Murchison is
native title parties that get a seat at the table by virtue of their status as
registered native title claimants—or in some cases even if they are not
registered—and mining companies are prepared to negotiate an agreement with
them … In many case mining companies are content for those payments to continue
even if at some stage in the future—whether it is five or ten years—that a
registered native title claimant is unable, because of the vagaries of proof in
the Federal Court, to secure its native title, so long as it maintains a claim
on traditional responsibilities. Mining companies well understand that, so long
as there is a group that claims responsibility for that country, it is
sufficient.[29]
2.39
The alternative under a high integrity system is more problematic. If a
greater connection to native title was required, then the risk is that, in
order for the ATO to assess whether income should be tax free, it will need to formally
determine the native title status of land. In other words, the tax system would
drive native title litigation. This is clearly undesirable, and hence the
approach in the Bill will make the system more workable.
Conclusion
2.40
The proposals to broaden the definition of native title benefit are too
broad and would serious affect the integrity of the measure. If the tax
exemption applied to any commercial arrangement, the integrity problems would
be readily apparent and the provisions would be soon amended. The committee
would prefer that the Schedule proceed as proposed. The ATO has stated that the
Schedule will give the required clarification in cases where Indigenous
communities have paid tax. Future agreements can be structured to take into
account the new law.
2.41
Stakeholders were concerned about how the law would operate if native
title was found not to exist in particular communities. The Office of
Parliamentary Counsel has confirmed that the tax exemption will still apply in
these cases, and the ATO will implement this policy intent because it is
expressed in the Explanatory Memorandum. Although the legislation has some
artificiality in that there must be a native title connection when it may not
formally exist, this is useful because it prevents the tax law driving native
title litigation.
Definition of an Indigenous holding entity
Background
2.42
Another issue raised in submissions was that the definition of an
Indigenous holding entity should be broadened, as should the definition of a
distributing body, which comprises part of the definition of an Indigenous
holding entity. Unpacking these definitions gives this composite definition of
an Indigenous holding entity:
- a trust where the
beneficiaries are either distributing bodies or Indigenous persons;
- an Aboriginal Land
Council established under the land rights legislation;
- a corporation
registered under the Corporations (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander) Act
2006 (CATSI);
- any other
incorporated body that:
- is established by or under provisions of a law of the Commonwealth or of a State
or Territory that relate to Aboriginals; and
- is
empowered or required (whether under that law or otherwise) to pay moneys
received by the body to Aboriginals or to apply such moneys for the benefit of
Aboriginals, either directly or indirectly.
2.43
The policy intent behind the Schedule appears to be to confine the tax
benefits to Indigenous persons. However, the comments in submissions are to the
effect that it is unnecessary and would lead to impractical results.[30]
Specific comments were:
- CATSI bodies have
members, rather than shareholders, so cannot raise capital and are not well
suited to business enterprises, compared with bodies created under the
corporations law;[31]
- long standing
Indigenous corporations incorporated under prior legislation will not be
included, such as companies limited by guarantee, or trusts with a charitable
unincorporated association or trust as a beneficiary;[32]
- many Indigenous
organisations do not want to incorporate under laws that specifically relate to
Indigenous persons, such as the CATSI Act;[33]
- a trust that has a
general power to appoint additional beneficiaries will not be included, so all
trusts would need to review and possibly amend their trust deeds, or new
entities might be required;[34] and
- some Indigenous
bodies provide community infrastructure that also services a small proportion
of non-Indigenous clients, such as remote area health services, and these would
be excluded under the Schedule.[35]
2.44
The committee received two specific suggestions. The Law Council of
Australia recommended that bodies established under the corporations law could
be included if they were subject to the same limitation as applies to trusts in
paragraph 59-50(6)(b), that is ‘if the beneficiaries of the trust can only be
Indigenous persons or distributing bodies.’[36]
2.45
Ms Fiona Martin from the University of New South Wales recommended that
the definition of a distributing body be expanded to include:
- an association,
society or body incorporated under Part IV of the Aboriginal Councils and
Associations Act 1976; and
- any other
incorporated body that is empowered or required (whether under that law or
otherwise) to pay moneys received by the body to Aboriginals or to apply such
moneys for the benefit of Aboriginals, either directly or indirectly.[37]
Analysis
2.46
The committee put these arguments to the Government witnesses at the
hearing. The ATO commented that the provisions were drafted so as to protect
the integrity of the exemption, or in other words, to ensure that only
Indigenous people could claim NANE status from native title payments. The
broader the definition of Indigenous holding entity, the greater the risk that
non-Indigenous people could enjoy the concessional tax treatment:
… as a general statement, the broader it is and the more
difficult it is to relate it back to a particular native title claim or, in
some cases, simply to an application or an agreement, the more difficult it
will be for us to ensure that there is any integrity in the system. This
happens all the time. Just to make a general comment: when you have an exempt
system, the broader the definition of the exemption the more likely it is to
lead to unforeseen consequences … We would say that our preference is to have a
targeted exemption …[38]
2.47
The committee supports this approach. It would generally prefer that a
tight regime be introduced, rather than a regime that is too loose that then
needs to be tightened. The exception to this approach is where any specific
unintended consequences are apparent.
2.48
One such possible adverse consequence was the comment by the National
Native Title Council relating to community infrastructure, such as regional
health services. These facilities also service a small proportion of
non-Indigenous people and the Council queried whether this meant that they
would be excluded under the Bill. The committee put this to Treasury, who
responded that incidental benefits to non-Indigenous people would not be caught
by the provisions:
… I do not think it would stop the payment that was being
spent in this way from being a native title benefit. It would be impractical to
try and eliminate all cases where there was some incidental benefit to
non-Indigenous people. If a sporting facility, a park or anything of that
nature were built out of those funds, I do not think the legislation would
exclude that from being a native title payment; and, therefore, it should still
get the non-assessable non-exempt treatment. It might be different if someone
started paying somebody's bills directly.[39]
2.49
Treasury also responded to the concern that trusts that have a power to
appoint additional beneficiaries would have to amend their trust deeds to
ensure that they are within the definition of an Indigenous holding entity.
Treasury acknowledged that the deeds may have to be amended, but suggested the
best way of doing this would be to remove the power of appointment. Instead, trusts
could provide for future generations to automatically become beneficiaries of
the trust from the day they are born.[40]
Conclusion
2.50
The committee is satisfied with the approach of having a targeted
exemption through the proposed definition of an Indigenous holding entity. This
will protect the integrity of exemption and ensure it is confined to Indigenous
people. Some Indigenous organisations may have to change the formalities of
their arrangements, but these compliance costs are reasonable, given the long
run benefits these groups will receive from having their native title income
classified as NANE.
2.51
The committee was able to obtain clarification at the hearing about
Indigenous organisations that provide community infrastructure, such as health
services, and where non-Indigenous people are able to gain an incidental
benefit from them. The Schedule will not exclude those organisations from being
an Indigenous holding entity, as long as the benefit to non-Indigenous persons remains
incidental.
Retrospectivity
Background
2.52
The Bill backdates the exemption to 1 July 2008 and makes consequential
amendments to allow taxpayers to have their assessments amended for this
purpose. The Law Council of Australia recommended that the exemption instead be
backdated to the commencement of the Native Title Act 1993. Its argument
is as follows:
The Law Council acknowledges that this may result in some
challenges associated with retrospective tax refunds over a significant period
of time. However, the Bill represents a clear acknowledgment that taxing native
title benefits may be inimical to the purpose for which the payments have been
made. It is also acknowledged in the draft Explanatory Materials that ‘benefits
provided in respect of native title do not result in a net gain to the
recipient’.[41]
2.53
The opposite view was put by the Government of Western Australia, in
that it would now have to incur additional costs because of retrospectivity.[42]
However, it did not elaborate why these costs would be incurred, or how much
they were.
2.54
The Minerals Council of Australia provided a different perspective again
on retrospectivity. It thought that this would impose additional obligations on
the Government, including:
- substantial tax
refunds to individuals and organisations that received native title payments;
- establishing a clear
and transparent process for making claims and calculating refunds; and
- allocating resources
to the ATO and the courts to resolve any disputes that may arise.[43]
Analysis
2.55
At the hearing the committee asked Treasury why 1 July 2008 was chosen
as the date for retrospectivity. Treasury responded that it was unlikely that
anyone had paid tax relevant to the Schedule before that date.[44]
Therefore, although a retrospectivity date back to 1993 may be attractive in
theory, in practice a retrospectivity date of 2008 is all that is required.
2.56
The committee also questioned whether the ATO would be involved in
additional compliance activity following the legislation. The ATO stated that
it was ‘very unlikely’ that it would revisit previous agreements with a view to
obtaining more revenue, unless important new information came to light.[45]
2.57
On the basis of this evidence, the committee does not believe that the
retrospectivity provisions will lead to the ATO incurring substantial
implementation costs, as suggested by the Minerals Council of Australia. The
committee’s sense of the issue is that the ATO and Treasury have a reasonable
idea who is entitled to a refund, commencing with those taxpayers that sought
private binding rulings. The ATO also stated that the provisions will greatly
clarify the tax liabilities in these matters, and so the committee expects any
disputes to be at a minimum.[46]
Conclusion
2.58
The committee supports the retrospectivity of the provisions because it
is to the benefit of taxpayers. It has also been calculated with reference to
the most likely point when income tax or capital gains tax has been paid in
relation to a native title payment. Given that the ATO already has some
knowledge about the taxpayers whom the provisions are likely to benefit, the
committee expects that implementation should not be problematic.
Schedule 5 – Rebate for medical expenses
Background[47]
2.59
The committee received one submission on the Schedule. The Australian
Medical Association (AMA) expressed concern about the provisions and
recommended that the Schedule be removed from the Bill. The AMA’s reasoning was
that the incidence of illness does not depend on income, and therefore neither
should government safety nets:
Illness does not discriminate between the rich, the poor, the
young, the aged or the frail. Previous Governments have designed safety nets to
ensure that every Australian who experiences high out-of-pocket medical
expenses because of high, and often unexpected, medical needs in a given
period, is supported financially through these difficult periods. Safety nets
ensure that patients can continue to have affordable access to the care they
need to recover and restore their normal, productive lives.
All Australians, regardless of their income, are eligible for
the Medicare Benefits Schedule (MBS) and Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS)
safety nets. The net medical expenses tax offset (NMETO) provides the final
safety net for patients, after the MBS and PBS safety nets have been applied.
In the policy context, it is incongruous to apply an income test to the NMETO.[48]
2.60
The AMA also sought to differentiate means testing for health insurance
and means testing of safety nets for medical expenses. It noted that high
income earners already ‘make a higher contribution to health care’ through the
tax system. It also argued that the financial savings to the Government would
be modest, and hence not worth pursuing.[49]
Analysis
2.61
The Government’s position is that the Bill is part of an overall drive
to improve the sustainability of the health system. Better targeting health
expenditure, such as an income test on the offset, is part of this strategy.[50]
2.62
The Government has also argued that the Bill does not infringe any human
rights in relation to health in the International Covenant on Economic Social
and Cultural Rights. This is because the Bill does not reduce the availability
of health care. Instead, it requires those who have a greater capacity to pay
to take more responsibility in supporting the health system.[51]
2.63
The committee agrees that the sustainability of the health system should
be a high priority and the Schedule should be viewed from that perspective.
Reducing government support for medical services for high income earners, who
have a greater capacity to pay, is consistent with that goal. There are many
instances in Australia where means tests are applied to government benefits and
they enjoy broad support.
2.64
The AMA argued that there is a difference between means testing for
health insurance and means testing of safety nets for medical expenses
incurred. However, the AMA did not elaborate why this was the case and the
committee is not aware of any compelling arguments to support this claim.
2.65
Finally, the AMA’s argument that the improvement to revenue of the
measure is too small to be worth pursuing ignores the practicalities of
managing a government budget. Budgets comprise a large number of small
programs, as well as a small number of large programs. Budget savings and
budget responsibility require the proper management of both the smaller and
larger programs. If all smaller programs escape review, then the total cost to
the budget can be substantial. A saving of $100 million in one program,
potentially replicated across the large number of programs the Government
supports, can make a real difference to the budget outcome.
Conclusion
2.66
In the Schedule, the Government is taking a proportionate approach to
deliver a budget saving and support the sustainability of the health system.
The measure will not affect the availability of health care in Australia, but
better target government assistance through means testing, which is widely used
across many policy areas. The AMA made a number of arguments against the
Schedule, but they either were not substantiated, or did not withstand
scrutiny.
Schedule 6 – Limited recourse debt
2.67
At the hearing, Ashurst Australia supported the Schedule in the sense
that it was appropriate to respond to the BHP Billiton case.[52]
In other words, Ashurst supported the policy intent. However, it raised a
number of other issues, and these are dealt with below.
Breadth of the provisions
Background[53]
2.68
The Property Council of Australia, Ashurst Australia, and the Institute
of Chartered Accountants in Australia were all concerned that the provisions
potentially had a wider scope than the policy intent. For example, they were concerned
that the Bill does not specifically refer to special purpose vehicles and can
cover other entities.[54] Ashurst stated in
evidence:
… the tax office's concern is with related party situations.
The situation … just outlined is not a related party situation, and it seems
to us that a sensible way of resolving this is to confine the scope of these
proposed changes to related party situations, which would protect the revenue
without introducing this level of uncertainty into the general business
community.[55]
2.69
The Institute argued that including an exemption for small business
would be consistent with the Government’s policy of simplifying the tax system
for this sector. It recommended that ‘a debt arrangement of $1 million or
less be excluded from the definition of “limited recourse debt”.’[56]
Analysis
2.70
In the light of the facts in the BHP Billiton case, the stakeholders’
proposed that the amendments should be limited to related party transactions. The
committee put this proposal to the ATO and Treasury. However, these witnesses
responded that the limited recourse debt provisions in Division 243 have an
important role within the tax framework. Further, the definition of ‘related
party’ is complex and inserting such a term in the tax law would not
necessarily provide certainty to taxpayers:
In finance tax there is a great deal of argument about what
is or what is not a related party, and there is a lot of detail that you have
to go into sometimes in order to see what the real nature of a relationship is.
In that particular vein, and particularly because it is a minor clarifying
change, we do not really think that it is appropriate to further confine it.
All taxpayers should be treated the same, shouldn’t they?[57]
From a policy perspective I want to clarify that Division 243
is not designed to deal with related parties. It is designed for when the equity
risk is being shifted through a financing arrangement from the borrower to the
lender so that the borrower cannot get the capital allowance deduction, but the
lender can get a deduction for credit risk assumed.[58]
2.71
The committee finds these arguments compelling. Although the amendments
have been triggered by the BHP Billiton case, the provisions’ role in the tax
system is more fundamental than dealing with complicated transactions between subsidiaries
in a corporate group. Further, the concept of related parties is difficult to
legally define and using this term would, of itself, increase uncertainty for
taxpayers.
2.72
These arguments also respond to the proposal by the Institute that there
should be a small business exemption from the provisions. The evidence from
Treasury and the ATO is to the effect that Division 243 has an important role
to play in preserving the integrity of the tax system with smaller enterprises
as well, and so a small business exemption would not be appropriate.
Conclusion
2.73
The argument that the provisions should be limited to related party
transactions appears attractive in the first instance, as did the idea that
there should be a small business exemption. However, such limitations would
increase complexity and are inappropriate given the role Division 243 has
in protecting the integrity of the tax system.
The meaning of ‘predominantly’
Background
2.74
Ashurst Australia suggested that the word ‘predominantly’ in the new
provisions was uncertain. In the examples in the Explanatory Memorandum, the
borrowings to purchase the project asset are equal to or greater than 80 per
cent of the asset’s value. Ashurst queried whether the provision would still be
satisfied at lower proportions of borrowing. It recommended that
‘predominantly’ be more clearly defined in the Bill and the Explanatory
Memorandum.[59]
Analysis
2.75
At the hearing, the committee put this to the ATO. Its response was that
the use of the word was ‘a well-trodden path’ and it was a known term.[60]
Broadly, ‘predominantly’ could be described as any proportion above a half:
The court's interpretation of the word 'predominantly' is
largely—and probably more of a rule-of-thumb aspect—51 per cent or more. That
is the sense we have within the ATO of the word 'predominantly'. It is not the
sole purpose—it does not have to be to that extent—but it is something that is
perhaps overwhelming or largely a majority …[61]
The High Court has dealt with this at great length in
relation to the general anti-avoidance provision: predominant and dominant
being the same kinds of expressions and having the same kind of context.[62]
Conclusion
2.76
The committee is satisfied that ‘predominantly’ is well known and
represents any proportion above a half.
Safe harbour
Background
2.77
Safe harbour was an issue for stakeholders. In the consultations for the
Bill, and in the Explanatory Memorandum, the Government states that any risk of
unintended consequences through more broadly defining limited recourse debt
will be covered by subsection 243-20(6).[63] This provides that an
arrangement will not be considered as limited recourse debt if, ‘having regard
to all the relevant circumstances, it would be unreasonable for the obligation
to be treated as limited recourse debt.’
2.78
The Property Council of Australia made a specific suggestion for a safe
harbour. It recommended that a safe harbour apply where:
- the assets (of the
entity) that lead to the creation of the capital allowance deductions represent
less than 50 per cent of the entity’s total assets; or
- loans are not limited
recourse debt by the terms of the contract (and therefore escape subsection
230-20(1); and
- the
entity’s liabilities are less than 75 per cent of assets; or
- gearing
is more than 75 per cent, but the lender has recourse to all the entity’s
assets and the loan is on arms’ length terms.[64]
2.79
If this proposal is not accepted, then the Council recommended that the
Bill be redrafted ‘to clarify that the provisions will have no operation where
the relevant debt is fully repaid.’ The Council is concerned that the
provisions may be triggered when the relevant debt has been repaid.[65]
2.80
If the above are not implemented, then the Council recommended that the Explanatory
Memorandum be amended to provide further clarity about the operation of subsection 230-20(6). The
Institute also took this view and it provided three specific examples in its
submission that it believed would not be captured by the Bill. It recommended
that these scenarios should be included in the Explanatory Memorandum, along
with Treasury’s analysis of them, to provide certainty to taxpayers.[66]
Analysis
2.81
The clearest indication for amending the existing protective provision
in subsection 230-20(6) would be if it was not operating as intended or had
been demonstrated to be problematic. However, the committee received no evidence
to this effect. Therefore, the committee does not believe that amendments are
necessary.
2.82
The committee is also of the view that it is not necessary to include the
Institute’s scenarios in the Explanatory Memorandum. This document is not meant
to provide detailed advice about tax Bills. Rather, it is designed to
demonstrate the policy intent and give Parliament and the wider community an
explanation of the proposals at a more general level.
2.83
If an individual taxpayer wants certainty about interpreting a tax law,
then they have the option of applying for a private binding ruling from the
ATO. The committee understands that the transactions in this area are very
complicated and that the tax outcome can depend on a range of factors. In these
circumstances, a private binding ruling is the forum for this detailed analysis.
The more general approach in Explanatory Memorandums is designed to explain how
a Bill implements the policy intent.
Conclusion
2.84
The committee appreciates that taxpayers may wish to increase certainty
in relation to new tax measures. However, the proponents of safe harbour
provisions did not explain how the current protections for taxpayers are
deficient. The proposal that the Explanatory Memorandum should have specific,
detailed examples of how the provisions would work confused the role of the Explanatory
Memorandum with private binding rulings. The latter are the proper process for
considering the detailed operation of the tax law as it relates to specific and
often complex fact scenarios.
Retrospectivity
Background
2.85
The legislation will apply to debts that terminate on or after 7.30 pm
on 8 May 2012. Ashurst and the Council expressed the concern that debts
that were created before this time, on the basis that they were not limited
recourse debts, may now become so. This creates uncertainty for business.[67]
Ashurst stated in evidence:
… I think that the courts have suggested that you actually
have to go back to the time when the loan is made in order to characterise
whether or not it is limited recourse debt … So it is probably not technically
true to suggest, at least in our view, that, if a termination occurs after the
announcement last year, it only has effect—basically you are asking the
taxpayer to effectively recharacterise something that he had no knowledge of at
the time the loan was made, which admittedly gives rise to tax consequences
after the announcement but which involves a recharacterisation of legal
relationships that were in place before the announcement was made. That was the
sense in which we thought it was retrospective.[68]
2.86
Ashurst also noted that taxpayers with similar circumstances could have
very different tax outcomes. For example, assume two different companies that
borrow in 2005 and their arrangements meet the new definition of limited
recourse debt, but not the old definition. One loan goes bad on 7 May 2012
and the other goes bad on 9 May 2012. The company with the second loan may have
its assessable income increased under the legislation, without the opportunity
to restructure its affairs, whereas the other company does not face the same
risk.[69]
2.87
The Council recommended that the new definition of limited recourse debt
should not apply to arrangements that commenced before 8 May 2012. If this is
not implemented, then the Council recommends that entities with arrangements
that will now be classified as limited recourse debt be given the opportunity
to restructure their affairs in a tax effective manner.[70]
Analysis
2.88
The committee received two opposing views on retrospectivity at the
hearing and what effect this had on taxpayers. The ATO stated that the policy
intent and the expectation among taxpayers was always that Division 243 applied
to special purpose entities:
… it was discussed when the provision was enacted whether it
did apply to single purpose entities. There was a general expectation that it
did apply to single purpose entities, and that is evidenced by some of the
statements that were made by externals on their own websites. There are
examples that the ATO retains in relation to an explanation by one law firm
that they expected that the provision when enacted would apply to single
purpose entities. There were some submissions provided and there was no change made
to the legislation to carve out single purpose entities. On that basis, we had
a sense always and until the High Court provided its decision that it did apply
to single purpose entities.[71]
2.89
However, Ashurst Australia argued that the courts’ interpretation has
technically applied since Division 243 was first enacted. Therefore, the
Schedule is changing the law:
… I agree that we can actually have our own views, but it is
really what the High Court thought and, to put it mildly, opened, when you read
the legislation. With all due respect to the High Court, it is obvious that
they make the law. Regardless of what people other than parliament might have
said at the time the legislation was enacted, it looks as though this is a
change of law, and it does seem to have consequences if you are making a
lending decision in a project finance context.[72]
2.90
The committee appreciates Ashurst’s argument, but it does not reflect
the practicalities of administering the tax system. If the Government of the
day announces that a law will have a particular effect and there is some level
of consensus that it will do so, then the committee would expect the ATO to administer
the law on this basis. Individual taxpayers can interpret tax law differently
and pursue this in the courts, but if the consensus is in line with the policy
intent, then the great majority of investment decisions will be consistent with
this and legislative correction will have a minimal effect.
2.91
The committee does not find persuasive Ashurst’s example about taxpayers
being treated differently, depending on the date when a debt went bad. The
taxpayer whose debt goes bad between the decision of the High Court in the BHP
Billiton case and the Budget announcement is in fact receiving a windfall gain.
In other words, the inconsistency in treatment is beneficial for a small group
of taxpayers.
Conclusion
2.92
The committee considers that the Bill is prospective from the date of
announcement. It is true that it applies from before the Royal Assent, however
this is common for integrity changes.
Schedule 7 – In-house fringe benefits
Reasons for the reforms
Background
2.93
Ernst & Young recommended that Schedule 7 should not proceed because
it does not have sound underlying reasons. In particular, it stated that the
ultimate revenue gain of $190 million annually is small in terms of total tax
receipts. It also suggested that the policy objectives of the reform are not
clear.[73] Ernst & Young argued
that there is nothing in the original legislation that suggests that there is
meant to be a limit to salary sacrificing. They also argued that there are
other options available in limiting salary sacrificing that would protect more
revenue:
… in reviewing the [Act] and the supporting Explanatory
Memorandum (‘EM’), there is nothing to indicate that the intention of the
legislation is anything other than how it is worded, which is to allow
employers to provide the same products or services to their employees that they
ordinarily provide to the public, at a concessional valuation …
There is nothing in the Act or the EM that indicates the
intent of the legislation is not to allow employees to access these benefits by
way of a salary sacrifice arrangement. Additionally it is noted that the
proposed measures in the Bill are not intended to stop salary sacrifice
benefits generally, nor does there appear to be any public policy to do so, as
salary sacrifice arrangements are still widely available for a range of other
benefits where the potential revenue gain would be significantly greater than
that which is proposed under these measures.[74]
2.94
Ernst & Young also raised equity concerns about the Schedule, in that
the effects of the Schedule would be felt more by lower income workers:
I think it is fair to say that the group of people that this
is likely to impact is significantly different from recent budget changes. If
we go back to the budgets last year and in recent history, there have been a
number of changes designed to isolate what are considered to be executive
perks, if you like … But this measure will have a very different impact because
it will largely impact a blue-collar work base. Even though it might only be
$1,000 worth of tax concessions, it is a concession that is considered a very
important one to those people who will be affected.[75]
2.95
Ernst & Young extended this argument to low income employees in
other industries, such as retail.[76]
2.96
If the provisions nevertheless proceed, Ernst & Young recommended
that limits be placed on salary sacrificing in-house fringe benefits that will
not affect low to middle income earners. Examples are a cap on the amount of
in-house fringe benefits that are concessionally taxed, and an income limit so
that the concession is only available to individuals whose annual earnings are
below a certain amount. Ernst & Young state that both approaches are used
for employee share schemes:
- there is a $5,000
limit on salary sacrificing shares offered under a tax deferral scheme; and
- a $1,000 reduction is
available for taxed up front schemes for individuals who earn less than
$180,000 annually.[77]
Analysis
2.97
At the hearing, Treasury responded to these claims by stating that the reduced
rates of tax for in-house fringe benefits was initially designed to benefit employers,
on whom fringe benefits tax is levied, rather than employees. However, as time
has progressed, the tax advantages of in-house benefits has meant that more
employees are taking advantage of them, and they are now seen as a benefit for
employees, contrary to their original purpose:
The policy behind this change was to ensure that the tax
concession that is provided in the fringe benefits tax law actually benefits
the employer. It just so happens over time employees have moved into more and
more salary sacrifice arrangements and through the interaction between the
income tax system and the fringe benefits tax system employees are now getting
an income tax advantage by salary sacrificing which is different to what the
intention of the original provisions was, that the concessional treatment there
was for the benefit of the employer in terms of recognising what the costs of
providing those benefits were. So it becomes a matter of should the
concessional treatment be available for the employer or should the tax system
be subsidising some employees who have the ability to salary sacrifice in-house
benefits?[78]
2.98
In this comment, Treasury has also touched on one of the less attractive
features of salary sacrificing, namely that the ability to take advantage of it
varies widely across employees. Higher income earners have higher marginal
rates of tax and so make greater savings for each dollar they can salary
sacrifice. Further, an employee is only able to salary sacrifice if their
employer offers it. At the hearing, Ernst & Young suggested that salary
sacrificing had become an important feature of remuneration packages in the
electricity sector.[79] However, there is no
reason why employees in particular parts of the private sector, such as retail,
electricity, or private education, should have the additional advantage of
concessionally taxed in-house fringe benefits, while other sectors do not.
2.99
Ernst & Young’s argument that the amounts involved are small
compared with the total Budget were dealt with in relation to Schedule 5, the
medical expenses rebate. In short, the argument ignores the reality of public
sector budgeting, where all programs must withstand scrutiny. If budget savings
are not made because an individual program is small, then this argument could
be applied to other small programs, which would mean that a substantial
proportion of public expenditure would be exempt from review.
Conclusion
2.100
Concessionally taxing in-house fringe benefits was a theoretically-based
refinement to the tax, introduced at its inception. It was designed to benefit
employers, on whom the tax is levied, in recognition of the fact that it costs
them less to provide in-house fringe benefits. Over time, the in-house
provisions have had unintended consequences because they have evolved into a
benefit for employees that has no policy basis. Therefore, there are good policy
reasons for the amendments.
2.101
Although the argument was made that amending the in-house provisions
would be inequitable because they adversely affect lower income earners in some
specific sectors, overall, the beneficiaries of salary sacrificing tend to be
higher income earners. Whether of benefit to higher or lower income earners,
the in-house provisions are of themselves already inequitable because they are
only available in certain industries and with certain employers, without a policy
basis.
Transitional rules
Background
2.102
The Schedule introduces some transitional rules so that employees with a
salary sacrificing arrangement in place on the announcement date will continue
to receive the concessional tax treatment until 1 April 2014. An employee who commences
salary sacrificing from the date of announcement, 22 October 2012, will be
subject to the new rules. Material variations to an existing arrangement will
trigger the new provisions. These include changing employer, the types of
benefits covered, and changing the end date of an arrangement, when it is
fixed.
2.103
In its submission, Ernst & Young recommended that, if the provisions
become law, they should commence on 1 April 2014 with no transitional rules.
Their reasons were:
- commencing the
provisions on 22 October 2012 for new agreements has not given employers
sufficient time to consider the impact of the changes on their business;
- the 22 October 2012
start date is part of the way through the FBT year, which may result in
inequitable outcomes for some employees, in particular where they salary
sacrifice from time to time (‘deduct and pay’), rather than through an ongoing arrangement
(‘accrual’);
- the loss in revenue
will be marginal ($20 million in 2011-12 and $55 million in 2012-13); and
- compliance costs for
business and the ATO will be reduced if they do not have to manage two systems
simultaneously.[80]
2.104
Ernst & Young made some further recommendations if these are not
adopted. The most important of these was that employee movements within a group
of companies will be regarded as a material change of employer and thus trigger
the new provisions, when there is no change of employer in substance. They
recommended that an exemption apply to material changes when an employee
remains within a corporate group.[81]
Analysis
2.105
In discussing the transitional rules, the committee recognises that
their role is to facilitate the fair and orderly introduction of the new
system, while balancing competing demands. Although stakeholders sought various
changes to provisions to their advantage, the rules should be judged on their
overall purpose of introducing the new arrangements. Treasury explained the
role of transitional arrangements at the hearing:
It is a trade-off between the certainty of one specific start
date and allowing people time to change and to adapt to the new law by having a
transitional period. The changes that have been made to the fringe benefits tax
over the last few years have generally allowed transitional periods because
people are locked into particular contracts and a hard-and-fast state can be
quite draconian for a lot of employees if the law changes from a specific date
without a transitional period. So by doing this there has been an attempt at a
balance between the integrity of the reforms and allowing existing employees
time to rearrange their affairs. It is a balancing act, basically. The date
that has been chosen is seen as sufficient time for existing employees to deal
with the changing circumstances.[82]
2.106
Starting the new arrangements for all taxpayers from 1 April 2014 would
have two negative effects. Firstly, implementation of the new rules would be
delayed. Secondly, taxpayers would start adjusting their behaviour from now
until that date to maximise the tax benefits they could generate, such as
bringing forward as much salary sacrificing as possible under the current rules.
Treasury confirmed the importance of integrity measures in tax law changes at
the hearing:
… if you allowed all employees to start from 1 April 2014,
there would be a shift in behaviour from some employees knowing full well that
the law would be changing. So it is an integrity measure, which is often a
feature of the tax law, that these types of things are implemented from a
specific date so that taxpayers know what the law is as of that date rather
than allowing a shift in behaviour.[83]
2.107
Participants at the hearing also discussed whether the new laws would
unfairly affect taxpayers who salary sacrifice on a ‘deduct and pay’ basis (ad
hoc) compared with those who used an ‘accrual’ basis (an ongoing contract). For
the former group, the new rules will commence when they next attempt to salary
sacrifice, whereas for the latter group, the new rules will commence on 1 April
2014, or whenever a taxpayer makes a material variation, whichever occurs
earlier. Treasury stated at the hearing that it consulted confidentially on the
transitional rules and that it took into account industry concerns:
There was a comment made about the different types of
salary-sacrifice arrangements that are provided by employers, whether on a
deduction in pay or an accruals basis, and the complexity that the transitional
rules would add to that. We consulted confidentially on this measure
specifically around the transitional rules and what the salary-sacrifice
arrangements are that are undertaken in relation to in-house benefits. We have
tried to reflect the concerns of the sector in what we have put into the
legislation.[84]
2.108
The two electricity companies who presented at the hearing, Essential
Energy and Endeavour Energy, noted that the former had moved to deduct and pay
and would be implementing the new rules now. However, the latter was still on
an accrual basis and its employees would be salary sacrificing their
electricity at the concessional rate until 1 April 2014. At first glance, this
result is inconsistent. But the purpose of the transitional rules is not to treat
substantially similar taxpayers in the same way. The rules are designed to
bring taxpayers into the new regime in an orderly manner. If a taxpayer is
receiving a concessional benefit that has lost its policy basis, and they are
about to enter into an new deduct and pay arrangement, then this is a suitable time
for the new rules to commence.
2.109
A similar argument applies to the question where an individual transfers
employer within a corporate group. In evidence, Treasury stated that this would
be a material variation, including where a public servant transfers between
agencies.[85] The purpose of the
transitional rules is not to maximise the number of people who can use the
current arrangements. Their purpose is to bring over taxpayers to the new
system efficiently. If a taxpayer changes employer within a corporate group,
then they will make new FBT arrangements, and this will be an appropriate time
for the new rules to apply.
2.110
Taxpayers often use the corporate veil to reduce their tax liabilities. In
this context, the committee sees no inherent unfairness in the corporate veil
triggering the new in-house provisions for fringe benefits tax.
Conclusion
2.111
There were two main concerns expressed about the transitional
provisions. The first was that running two systems until 1 April 2014 would
impose significant compliance costs and that a single start date of
1 April 2014 would be simpler for all parties. However, taxpayers could
accelerate salary sacrificing between the announcement and 1 April 2014, which
would affect the integrity of the measure.
2.112
The second sought to show that the provisions would be unfair on some
taxpayers. However, this argument was premised on the idea that the current
rules should apply to as many taxpayers for as long as possible. The
transitional rules are not designed for this purpose. Rather, they are designed
to move taxpayers away from the current system, which has lost its policy
basis, towards the new system in an orderly manner. If a taxpayer has a
convenient opportunity to move to the new system, such as purchasing a new
service under a deduct and pay arrangement, then it is appropriate for this to
occur.
Effect on independent schools
Background[86]
2.113
The fringe benefits tax regime provides significant benefits to
independent schools in Australia. They are treated as non-profit organisations
and so they can reduce their fringe benefits tax liability through a rebate
equal to 48 per cent of gross fringe benefits tax payable, subject to a $30,000
cap per employee. This provides a significant tax concession where schools
provide tuition for the children of staff. Further, they have up until now
received a 25 per cent discount on the taxable value of this tuition through
the in-house rules.
2.114
The Independent Schools Council of Australia (ISCA) stated during the
inquiry that the Bill would significantly increase cost pressures in
independent schools. It analysed the effect of the Bill on a teacher salary
sacrificing $15,000 a year in school fees. This analysis is reproduced in the
table below:
Table 2.1 Effect on FBT liability for a teacher salary
sacrificing $15,000 in school fees ($)
Scenario
|
Current FBT rules
|
Proposed FBT rules
|
FBT difference
|
No rebate
|
8,908
|
13,038
|
4,130
|
Rebate applied
|
4,633
|
6,708
|
2,147
|
Source ISCA,
Submission 6, p. 7.
2.115
The effect of the rebate for non-profit organisations is shown in the
‘proposed FBT rules’ column. If the rebate is not applied, or if a staff member
has already fully utilised the $30,000 threshold, then the FBT payable is
$13,038. Applying the rebate reduces this to $6,708. The current rules on
in-house benefits further reduce these liabilities to $8,908 and $4,633
respectively. Exactly how these calculations would work out for individual staff
would depend on their particular circumstances, such as how many children they
have at the school and the fees involved.
2.116
The Association stated that increased cost pressures would ‘greatly
impact’ the sector. It summarised these effects as follows:
The independent schooling sector appreciates this capacity to
access FBT concessions for its employees as a means of ‘value adding’ to their
contribution to the NFP sector. Staff of non-government schools broadly access
benefits across the areas of in-house benefits (school fees in particular),
remote area housing benefits (extremely important for schools in rural and
remote areas) and salary packaging (a means of attracting, rewarding, and
keeping highly competent staff in the sector). A phasing out of FBT concessions
would lead to significant increased pressure on wage rates in the sector and to
a substantially reduced capacity to attract good staff, particularly to more
rural or remote areas.
The impact of any change to the in-house fringe benefits
rules will either see a real reduction in school revenue or a similar reduction
in the value of employee remuneration in schools …
Schools not only need to attract suitably qualified teaching
staff, but also compete in an open market for staff in educational support
areas such as finance, IT, maintenance, nursing, administration, catering etc.
The provision of limited fringe benefits assists greatly in being able to
attract and retain such staff.[87]
Analysis
2.117
The committee notes that the new in-house provisions will adversely
affect independent schools, depending on the fees involved. The effect will be
greater with higher school fees and higher teachers’ salaries.
2.118
However, the Association did not demonstrate to the committee why the
in-house provisions should apply to independent schools in the first place. As
discussed above, the in-house provisions were designed to support employers,
who are the taxing point for fringe benefits tax. In-house benefits would cost
less for employers to provide their staff, and therefore a concessional rate
was deemed appropriate. However, the in-house concessional rate has changed
into being primarily for the benefit of employees at a significant cost to the
budget. There is no underlying policy reason for this. Nor is there any
underlying policy reason that the in-house concessional tax benefit should be
more favourable to high income teachers or high fee schools. These are an
unforeseen product of the interaction between income tax and fringe benefits
tax.
2.119
The committee notes that independent schools already receive substantial
concessional treatment for fringe benefits tax from the not-for-profit
provisions. These have a sound policy basis and the Bill will leave them
untouched.
Conclusion
2.120
Although independent schools gain a significant tax advantage when their
staff send their children to the same school as students, the Association did
not demonstrate why these schools should enjoy this in-house tax advantage,
which is not available in many other sectors. As noted earlier, the in-house
concessional tax treatment has evolved into a key aspect of employee
remuneration, instead of recognising that in-house benefits cost less for
employers to provide their employees.
2.121
Independent schools already enjoy substantial concessional treatment of
fringe benefits tax through their not-for-profit status. The Schedule will not
affect this.
Overall conclusion
2.122
The Bill makes a range of amendments to the tax law. Some of the
Schedules did not attract submissions from stakeholders and the committee
accepts this as support for them.
2.123
Schedule 2 updates the list of deductible gift recipients. The
organisations that have been listed, or had their listing extended, include AE1
Incorporated, which seeks to locate and honour the crew of Australia’s first
submarine; Teach for Australia, which seeks to attract top graduates to teach
in disadvantaged communities; and Australia for UNHCR, which raises funds to
support the humanitarian programs of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees. These are important causes and the committee is pleased that they
have been included in the Bill.
2.124
Schedule 3 extends the immediate deductibility of exploration
expenditure, already provided to mining and petroleum explorers, to geothermal
energy explorers. This will restore competitive neutrality in the sector and
support a clean energy source.
2.125
Schedule 4 extends the interim streaming provisions for managed
investment trusts from 2012 to 2014, in line with the Government’s announcement
to defer until 2014 the commencement of the new overall regime for managed
investment trusts and the new general trust income rules. The committee expects
that coordinating the commencement of these different systems will reduce
compliance costs for taxpayers.
2.126
The committee received submissions in relation to the other four major
Schedules in the Bill. Schedule 1 clarifies the tax law so that payments under
native title agreements will be subject to neither income tax nor capital gains
tax. These reforms have been on the policy agenda since 1998 and the committee
is of the view that this tax treatment is fully consistent with the unique
nature of native title.
2.127
At the hearing, there was considerable support for the view that the
Schedule should also provide preferential tax treatment for Indigenous
community development corporations. This is outside the scope of the Bill and
the committee does not believe that a recommendation along these lines would be
appropriate. However, the committee would like to stress that native title is
only 20 years old. Parliament, Indigenous people and other stakeholders are
still learning about what native title is, what it means, and how Indigenous
people can benefit from it. The committee expects that further legislative
innovations will be introduced in the coming years and so the Schedule should
proceed in its current form.
2.128
Schedule 5 applies an income-based means test to the rebate for medical
expenses. The AMA argued that a means test should not apply to a medical care
safety net when illness does not discriminate on the basis of income. The committee
nonetheless supports the Schedule because it will result in better targeted
health expenditure and a more sustainable health system.
2.129
Schedule 6 amends the definition of limited recourse debt, following a
High Court case in 2011 where BHP Billiton secured double deductions for its
iron briquette plant in Western Australia. Although there was general support
for the provisions, there were also concerns about retrospectivity and whether
the Schedule should be limited to related party transactions, similar to the
facts in the BHP Billiton case.
2.130
The committee was not unduly concerned about retrospectivity because the
new law applied from the date of announcement and the policy intent of the
provisions was unchanged. Further, there was only a short delay between the
announcement and the introduction of the Bill. Although limiting the Schedule
to related party transactions may be attractive, it overlooks the fact that the
limited recourse debt rules play an important role in the integrity of the tax
system.
2.131
Schedule 7 removes the concessional fringe benefit tax treatment for
in-house fringe benefits accessed through salary sacrificing. In-house fringe
benefits are those where the employer provides the same or similar goods or
services as part of their business. The in-house provisions were initially
included in the fringe benefits tax because the tax is imposed on employers and
in-house benefits cost less to employers to provide them.
2.132
However, since then the in-house rules have evolved into a key element
of employee remuneration in some industries, contrary to the original goal. For
example, the independent schools sector expressed concern that it would be
affected because many teachers send their children to the same school. However,
the independent schools did not establish why they should receive this
concessional tax treatment in the first place, especially one that varies with
the teacher’s salary and the tuition fee. It should also be noted that
independent schools already receive an FBT advantage through being not for
profit organisations.
2.133
Overall, the Bill makes a range of amendments that protect the integrity
of the tax system, closer aligns it to underlying policy, and achieves
important social goals. The Bill should pass.
Recommendation 1 |
2.47 |
The House of Representatives pass the Tax Laws Amendment
(2012 Measures No. 6) Bill 2012 as proposed. |
Julie Owens MP
Chair
8 February 2013