House of Representatives Committees

Standing Committee on Employment, Education and Workplace Relations

Inquiry into the Role of Institutes of TAFE
Submissions

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Submission 18

Dr. Richard G. Bagnall

Assoc. Prof. of Adult & Vocational Education

Submission to the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Employment, Education and Training

Inquiry into The Appropriate Roles of Institutes of Technical and Further Education

 

22 October 1997

Overview

In this submission, it is argued that contemporary shifts in Australian culture and cultural theory call for the reduction of legislative and other regulatory distinctions between different sectors of tertiary education, but that, in responding to this call, the Australian Government should seek to strengthen regulatory frameworks that:

The Context

Contemporary cultural theory and current cultural change point particularly to the foIllowing sorts of changes with respect to education (ref., e.g.: Bagnall, 1994; Bauman, 1992; Hinkson, 1991; Hunter, 1994; Lash, 1990; Marshall, 1992; Peters, 1995; Usher, Bryant & Johnston, 1997; Usher & Edwards, 1994):

These trends are trans-national, as much as they are national (Australian). They are an inseparable part of the globalization of political, economic and more broadly cultural influence, with the concomitant erosion of effective control by nation states.

They are associated with a number of major changes at the micro-level in educational provision and engagement, including changes to more: episodic (project-based) provision; contract-based employment and provision; work-force casualization; and the out-sourcing of service provision and product development. Among the consequences of these changes is a discounting of traditional roles and responsibilities, including a loss of commitment both to preserving what is valuably inherited from the past and to locating present provision and engagement in the context of a better future. In other words, educational action becomes more focussed on immediately present contingencies. All of the foregoing changes amount to our being located within a period of extremely rapid and radical ideological change - ideological in the broad sense of the way in which we understand ourselves, our world, our place in society, the responsibilities of government, individual, communities, etc.

The Legislative Response

In such a context, the Australian Government may be seen as having a clear responsibility to respond legislatively to these cultural changes. However, it should also be appreciated that the temptation to wholeheartedly do so in times of such rapid ideological change carries with it the ever-present risk of serious cultural loss, through change that is too rapid, insensitive, ill-informed or extreme. That loss may be seen as occurring in a number of dimensions, particularly, perhaps, the following:

What I am focussing attention on here are four concepts that should inform all Government policy in education. Firstly, there should be recognition of the social responsibility of Government to optimize equitable access on the part of all Australians. Secondly, there should be proper recognition of the vast, but diffuse and diverse nature, of education as a public good. Thirdly, there should be recognition of the freedom of educational choice as a positive construct underpinning Australian society–positive in the sense of access to educational opportunity, not in the weakly and discriminatively negative sense of freedom from restraint and constraint. And fourthly, there should be recognition of the responsibility of government as the representative of the people.

The contextual changes noted above tend to encourage a rapid privatization and marketization of educational provision–both moves which are contra-indicated by the principles of optimizing equitable access, education as a public good, the positive freedom of educational choice, and responsible government.

In seeking to protect the tertiary educational interests of all Australians, the Government should be mindful of the contemporarily increasing cultural value of educational attainment, and the consequential point that traditional mechanisms to ensure equitable access are no longer adequate.

In seeking to give adequate recognition to tertiary education as a public good, it should be recognized that traditional assessments of the extent of that good, or of its proportion relative to the private, are woefully inadequate. The cuturally embedded and diffuse nature of educational impact render any general assessment of the value of that impact a matter of extreme complexity: a complexity that greatly exceeds any recognition that it has received to date. Education as private good may be argued to be much more readily calculable (but, nevertheless, complex and situationally variable), raising the prospect of a serious under-valuation of the public value of educational attainment. It needs to be recognized also that the national mandating of educational fetishes and cure-alls, such as that of the competency-based movement in current vocational education and training legislation and policy, will inevitably cause enormous damage to the public value of education in and through the systems so affected.

In seeking to apply a positive construct of freedom of educational opportunity, Government should be mindful of the cultural damage and widespread personal disadvantage that flows from (indeed, is increasing flowing from) a negative conception of freedom that has informed so much legislative change in recent years.

In seeking to recognize the responsibility of Government as the representative of the people of Australia, Government should ensure that this responsbility is not, in effect, delegated through distorted consultative or implementation processes to any particular groups or sectoral interests–as it has been in the most recent past to employers in the technical and further education sector.

Considerations

In responding to the call for the removal of legislative and other regulatory distinctions between different sectors of tertiary education, most particularly those between the technical and further education and the university sectors, it is suggested, then, that the following sorts of considerations should be included-

Concluding

In closing, it is submitted that the foregoing issues and considerations may most valuably be seen as occurring across, or in spite of, particular ideological differences between the major political parties, while recognizing also that there are, indisputably, differences in the extent to which they are embraced with enthusiasm by the parties. They are issues and considerations which arise from trends that are beyond the effective control of any one party. They may best be tackled, then, through deliberative and consutative processes that recognize the pervasive nature of their grounding in contemporary culture.

References

Bagnall, R.G. (1994). Pluralising continuing education and training in a postmortem world: Whither competence? Australian and New Zealand Journal of Vocational Education Research, 2(2), 18-39.

Bauman, Z. (1992). Intimations of postmodernity. Oxford: Blackwell.

Hinkson, J. (1991). Postmodernity: State and education. Geelong, Victoria: Deakin University Press.

Hunter, 1. (1994). Rethinking the school: Subjectivity, bureaucracy, crticism. St. Leonards, New South Wales: Allen & Unwin.

Lash, S. (1990). Sociology of postmodernism. New York: Routledge.

Marshall, B.K. (1992). Teaching the postmodern. New York: Routledge.

Peters, M. (Ed.). (1995). Education and the postmodern condition. Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey.

Usher, R., Bryant, I., & Johnstone, R. (1997). Adult education and the postmodern challenge: Learning beyond the limits. London: Routledge.

Usher, R., & Edwards, R. (1994). Postmodernism and education: Different voices, different worlds. London: Routledge.

 

Richard G. Bagnall

22 October 1997

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