Chapter 2 Monetary policy and other issues
Overview
2.1
The Australian economy has performed exceptionally well and suffered
less from the impact of the global financial crisis than most other advanced
economies. The February 2010 hearing was set against optimistic forecasts for
growth and stability. Australia was one of the few advanced economies not to
fall into recession.
2.2
Through 2009 Gross Domestic Product (GDP) grew by about 2 per cent and
in 2010 GDP is expected to reach about 3 per cent. Unemployment is trending
down and hours worked is increasing. The strength of the upturn in the
Asia-Pacific is quite strong which is helping Australia to achieve higher
growth prospects. In the large industrial countries, however, growth has been
more tentative.
2.3
As a result of Australia’s positive growth prospects, the Reserve Bank
of Australia (RBA) began lifting the policy cash rate from its emergency low of
3.00 percent. The cash rate was raised three times in succession between
October and December 2009. In March 2010 the cash rate was lifted another 25
basis points taking the new cash rate to 4.00 per cent.
2.4
During the hearing, the committee examined the RBA on the key forecasts
for the economy focusing on inflation and growth and their influence over the
policy cash rate during the next 12 months. The committee examined some of the
possible constraints to growth and possible impacts which could lead to
inflationary pressures. In addition, the committee examined issues affecting
bank funding.
Forecasts for the economy
2.5
The RBA remains optimistic about Australia’s economic outlook. Its
central forecast is for the economy to grow by just over 3 per cent during 2010
and reach trend levels of 3½ per cent through 2011 and 2012. The RBA noted that
‘conditions in the domestic economy have been somewhat stronger than was
expected in mid 2009.’[1] The RBA stated that ‘as
the stimulus fades, private demand will become a more important driver of
growth, reflecting solid household spending and strong business investment.’[2]
The RBA’s key output and inflation forecasts are reproduced in Table 2.1.
2.6
The RBA’s forecast for year ended underlying inflation is expected to be
around or below 3 per cent in the March quarter and to fall to around or slightly
below 2½ per cent in late 2010 and early 2011.[3] The RBA noted that ‘the
forecasts are based on the technical assumption of a rise in the cash rate over
the forecast period, with the assumed path broadly consistent with market
expectations’.[4]
2.7
In relation to risks to the forecasts, the RBA noted that they ‘appear
to be fairly balanced.’ The RBA stated:
Perhaps the most likely scenario in which growth and
inflation are both significantly higher than expected is one in which
confidence continues to build on the back of a further pick up in commodity
prices and there is a larger increase in investment in the resources sector
than currently expected. In this scenario, non-residential construction might
also pick up more quickly than is currently expected as credit constraints
ease. If this were to occur, capacity constraints, particularly in the
construction sector, would be likely to emerge and wage growth would be likely
to accelerate more quickly than currently expected. The result would be higher inflation.[5]
2.8
The RBA noted that the outlook for the world economy has improved since
the November 2009 quarterly statement. Global output is now expected to grow by
about 4 per cent in year-average terms in both 2010 and 2011. Australia’s terms
of trade ‘are forecast to increase over the coming year, reflecting higher
prices for Australia’s commodity exports and subdued growth in the prices of
manufactured imports.’[6]
2.9
The speed of global growth is variable. The Asia-Pacific has seen a
significant pick-up in production and trade. In relation to the large
industrialised economies, the Governor noted that ‘growth in these cases is
therefore expected to remain modest and, as a result, these economies…are
likely to be characterised by quite a lot of spare capacity and ongoing high
unemployment.’[7] In relation to the
disparity in growth, the Governor stated:
So the shift in the centre of economic gravity to the Asian
region is continuing, and if anything it has been highlighted by the different
performances in the crisis and the initial recovery. The differences in speed
of recovery between the emerging world and the advanced world, and the likely
persistent differences in growth trajectories into the future, will I think
increase the pressure on exchange rate arrangements in the Asian region.[8]
Table 2.1 RBA Output and Inflation Forecasts (a)
|
June
2009 |
Dec
2009 |
June
2010 |
Dec
2010 |
June
2011 |
Dec
2011 |
June
2012 |
GDP |
0.6 |
2 |
2½ |
3¼ |
3½ |
3½ |
3½ |
Non-farm GDP |
0.6 |
2¼ |
2½ |
3¼ |
3½ |
3½ |
3½ |
CPI |
1½ |
2.1 |
3 |
2½ |
2½ |
2¾ |
2¾ |
Underlying inflation |
3¾ |
3¼ |
2½ |
2½ |
2½ |
2¾ |
2¾ |
(a)
Actual GDP data to June 2009 and
actual inflation data to Dec 2009. For the forecast period, technical
assumptions include A$ at US$0.88, TWI at 69, and WTI crude oil price at US$85
per barrel and Tapis crude oil price at US$88 per barrel. Sources: ABS; RBA
Source Reserve
Bank of Australia, Statement on Monetary Policy, 5 February 2010, p. 58.
Inflation targeting and monetary policy
2.10
The RBA’s inflation objective, agreed with the Government, is to keep
consumer price inflation between 2 and 3 per cent, on average, over the cycle.
As indicated in the forecasts, consumer price inflation and, more importantly,
underlying inflation are forecast to both fall to around 2½ per cent by
December 2010. The Governor advised that as the downturn was less severe than
previous downturns there was less spare capacity should growth pick up
significantly. The Governor commented that as a result there is less scope for
robust demand growth without inflation starting to rise again down the track.
The Governor cautioned that ‘monetary policy must therefore be careful not to
overstay a very expansionary setting.’[9] The Governor stated:
But the thing for us to be watching is how quick the pick-up
in demand is, relative to available capacity. As I said at the beginning, we
have some spare capacity generally in the economy but a fair bit less than you
would normally get if you had a serious recession. It is good that we do not
have a lot of spare capacity. You do not want to have a lot. But, equally, you
want to be watching the pace of demand for growth when you do not have much
because you are wary of the potential for inflation. That is why we are in this
period of moving off the emergency rates.[10]
2.11
The Governor confirmed that if conditions evolved as expected then
‘further adjustments to monetary policy will probably be needed over time to
ensure that inflation remains consistent with the target over the medium term.’[11]
In relation to how close the policy cash rate was from ‘normal’, the Governor
stated:
The way I would characterise it is that I do not think we are
in emergency anymore; I think we have done enough to lift off that. I would say
that if you looked at the borrowing rates being actually paid on average by
both business and housing borrowers, they are still below what I would call an
average for the past decade or so; they are probably between 50 and 100 points
below that average or something like that. So we are a fair bit closer to
normal now than we were when we last met with you, given what we have done and
what the banks added on top of that. When we eventually get to normal, there is
a bit more work to do there but I think that is the order of magnitude we are
talking about.[12]
2.12
A feature of the recent downturn was a less severe increase in the unemployment
rate. However, there was a reduction in hours worked. A similar trend occurred
during the 2001 downturn. It was pointed out during the hearing that the
ability to adjust working hours and therefore reduce the level of unemployment
was a feature of a highly flexible labour market. In relation to the point that
labour flexibility had been a contributing factor to reducing the level of
unemployment, the Governor stated:
It has been, but of course the new arrangements are just
coming in. So the test is whether the flexibility is retained. I am not saying
it will not be. I cannot judge, but the question being asked is whether that is
a potential risk. As I say, it is important to retain flexibility and it is
very important that all the parties involved do that.[13]
2.13
As demand picks up, hours worked are expected to increase with the
unemployment rate falling less quickly. The RBA stated:
Going forward in our forecast we do not have the unemployment
rate going down that quickly, because as the economy strengthens we will see
average hours lengthen out and reverse that earlier decline. I think that is
going to be the first thing we will see. Once that process plays its way
through then we would expect the unemployment rate to come down more. But there
is a reasonable amount of spare capacity there because people are working fewer
hours.[14]
2.14
The Governor was examined about the potential inflationary impact of
wage pressures without commensurate productivity gains. The Governor accepted
that there may be some growing wage pressures but this had been taken account
of in arriving at the inflationary forecasts. The Governor stated:
I think there probably is going to be some intention to catch
up. We are factoring some of that into our forward-looking assessment. That is why
we think inflation is not going to keep falling. Nine months ago we would have
said inflation was going to keep falling to maybe 1½ per cent. Now the low
point is 2½ per cent and we think that probably, if economy works out in the
way we expect it to, it will start to drift higher from there. That is why we
are talking about the fact that we will probably need to tighten further, if
things work out as we expect them to. Expectations of inflation I think are
okay at the moment.[15]
2.15
During the debate about inflation targeting, the Governor was asked
about the merits of an International Monetary Fund (IMF) staff position paper
that policy makers should consider adopting a higher inflation target of
perhaps 4 percent.[16] The reasoning behind
this proposal relates to the point that many countries had very low policy cash
rates and when the financial crisis struck there was little room to move. The
IMF paper asked the question ‘should policy makers therefore aim for a higher
target inflation rate in normal times, in order to increase the room for
monetary policy to react to such shocks?’[17] It should be noted that
in Australia at the time Lehman Brothers collapsed, the policy cash rate was
7.25 and in Australia there is generally very good ‘transmission’ between movements
in the policy cash rate and market rates. The Governor disagreed with the
proposal to increase the target rate and stated:
On inflation targets: I do not agree at all with what the IMF
paper said there. The basis for the argument that maybe you need a higher
average inflation rate is so you can then have higher average interest rates,
and that means you could cut them more in an emergency, and the reason they
think that is a good idea is that these countries hit the lower bound, of zero.
We have an inflation target centred on 2½, and we had 300 points left when we
got to the bottom that we could have used but did not need to. So it seems to
me that this problem, in our case, has not—has not anything like—arisen. I
think it might well be argued that some of these countries should have had
higher average interest rates than they did. But they did not actually need a
higher inflation target to do that. That is a line of argument that many people
ran—that rates were just too low.[18]
Monetary policy and asset price bubbles
2.16
The role of monetary policy in addressing asset price bubbles was
examined in the previous two hearings with the RBA. This issue is part of wider
contemporary debate and was discussed as part of the RBA’s 50th
Anniversary Symposium.[19] In relation to risks
associated with asset price bubbles, Cagliarini, Kent and Stevens stated that
‘even with the development of other tools, it is unlikely to be credible for
central banks not to move, in the next decade, at least somewhat in the
‘responsive’ direction.’[20] In the paper entitled Financial
Stability: 10 Questions and about Seven Answers, Caruana stated that ‘the
Reserve Bank’s interest rate policy in 2003 rightly erred on the side of
tightness in the face of strong growth in house prices and credit.’[21]
2.17
The RBA in its response at the hearing cautioned that there is a
difference between targeting asset price, and responding to financial
developments cautiously. The RBA stated:
I think it is important that people do not think of this as
the central bank targeting asset prices or pricking asset price bubbles,
because I do not think anyone thinks that is sensible. The issue is really: if
you are seeing imbalances develop in the financial system, what should monetary
policy and regulatory policy do? As the governor said, I think the weight of
opinion is shifting towards the view that both regulatory and monetary policy
need to do something.
These financial imbalances arise if credit is growing very
quickly, if asset prices are growing very quickly and you have got a lot of
innovation and competition and new things happening in the financial system.
That particular cocktail leads to risk building up, and I think there is a
strong case for the central banks and the regulators to take note of that and
not just stand by and allow the imbalances to build up and then ultimately
correct. But it is not about targeting asset prices; it is not about pricking
bubbles. It is about responding to financial developments in a sensible way.[22]
2.18
It was noted during the hearing that house prices in the year to the
2009 December quarter had increased by about 13 per cent, and in the context of
the debate about asset price bubbles was this a concern. The Governor noted
that it would be a concern if it continued but noted that there were positive
signs in relation to housing credit and improved lending practices. The
Governor stated:
Firstly, the rate of growth of housing credit behind that is
about eight per cent. That is quite healthy; I would not regard that as grossly
excessive—it used to be 18. One of the real worry points you are looking for is
rapidly rising asset values, very strong growth in credit and declining lending
standards. What we have is pretty strong growth in house prices over the past
year—I will come back to a nuance there in a moment—but credit growth is not
too bad; it is moderate. Lending standards for households are actually
increasing, not falling. Banks are tending to reduce loan-to-value ratios—you
have got to have a bigger deposit and so on, and I do not think you can get a
no deposit loan now et cetera. I welcome that; I think that is a very good
thing. We may well see more of that if house prices continue to escalate
because the banks own risk management will tell them, ‘Be careful here, and
maybe be a bit tougher on the standards.’ That is what they should do.[23]
Fiscal stimulus
2.19
As the economy is returning to higher levels of growth the RBA has
increased the policy cash rate from their ‘emergency levels’. During the
hearing, the Governor was asked about the impact of fiscal stimulus on the
economy.
2.20
In particular, it was noted that in an RBA 50th Anniversary
Symposium Paper, the authors stated that ‘there may well be attractions for
fiscal authorities in committing to a path of relatively rapid fiscal
consolidation, thereby allowing monetary policy to be more accommodative than
otherwise.’[24] There was some confusion
in the media that this statement was made in relation to the current Australian
context. The Governor rejected this and advised that the paper stated that it
‘is not intended to provide any particular message about current issues for
monetary policy in Australia.’[25] The Governor freely
acknowledged that the principle behind the statement was correct and that is
why it was stated in the paper.
2.21
The Governor was asked about how monetary and fiscal stimulus had worked
together to address the downturn and the timing involved in withdrawing the
stimulatory measures. The Governor stated:
I think the general story when we met last time was that it
was understood that, once the job has been done, both arms of policy have to
move in the direction of withdrawing stimulus. We have begun our withdrawal. I
think it is still our assessment that the peak effect of the budgetary measures
on the growth rate of demand was in the middle of last year. Its peak effect on
the level of demand is about now. If things run to time—and it is important
that they do—it should tail off over the year ahead. So I do not think I have
anything new to say about that. For both arms of policy I suppose we have to
keep re-evaluating the outlook for the economy and amending our trajectory—in
our case, anyway, it is easy to amend. It is not as easy to do with fiscal
policy but, if necessary, we can amend the pace at which we withdraw our
stimulus as views about the outlook shift to views that are somewhat more
optimistic now than they were in August.[26]
Sovereign debt
2.22
Prior to the hearing, public reporting had indicated that Australia
might be at risk of defaulting on its sovereign debt. The committee is of the
view that a claim like this is irresponsible and has the potential to undermine
the economy and therefore it could not be ignored. The Governor was asked to
comment and he provided reassurance that the prospect of Australia defaulting
on its sovereign debt was highly unlikely. The Governor stated:
There are few things less likely than Australia defaulting on its sovereign debt. There has never been a default by this country.
I do not think there has been a default by any of the states, with one
exception for one day, which the Commonwealth stepped in and fixed in 1931.
There has never been an event of sovereign default by Australia as far as I know, and I very much doubt there ever will be.[27]
Bank funding
2.23
The committee’s examination of bank funding centred around the Deputy
Governor’s speech on bank funding on 16 December 2009.[28]
The Deputy Governor noted that banks have a diverse funding base with the key
sources including:
n deposits which
account for 43 per cent of funding split fairly evenly between households and
businesses;
n domestic capital
markets provide a further 19 per cent of funding;
n foreign capital
markets provide 28 per cent; and
n securitisation and
equity account for 3 per cent and 7 per cent respectively.
2.24
The Deputy Governor noted that while individual banks have a large
amount of discretion in the way they fund themselves, the banking sector has
less flexibility. The Deputy Governor stated that ‘for the banking system as a
whole, the share of deposits in total funding can increase only to the extent
that investors reduce their holdings of securities and place the proceeds on
deposit with banks.’[29] The Deputy Governor
noted that ‘the trend in most economies is for savings over time to move away
from simple instruments such as bank deposits towards debt securities and
equities.’ The Deputy Governor stated:
The so-called ‘deposit war’ among banks is producing very attractive
interests rates for depositors but little net benefit for the banking system as
a whole in terms of increasing deposit funding.[30]
2.25
This competition by banks for deposits is increasing the cost of funds.
Previously, banks on average paid about 125 basis points less than the cash
rate on deposits. Currently, the banks are paying ‘interest rates that are on
average in line with the cash rate.’[31] In noting that bank
funding costs have increased, the Deputy Governor noted that ‘these changes in
banks’ costs of funds relative to the cash rate have meant that the
relationship between bank lending rates and the cash rate has also become
looser.’[32] The Deputy Governor
stated:
The margin between the cash rate and banks’ lending rates
receives considerable public attention. This is understandable because changes
in it are very visible. This margin, however, can change for many reasons, so
it is difficult to interpret. A widening in it might be due to banks making
unjustified increases in their lending rates, or it might reflect market
developments that have pushed up banks’ cost of funds relative to the cash
rate.
Some have argued that variability in this margin means that
monetary policy is less effective. This, however, misses the very important
point that the Reserve Bank takes account of the changing relativities between
the cash rate and other interest rates when setting the cash rate. Other things
equal, if interest rates in the economy are rising relative to the cash rate,
there is less need for the cash rate to rise.[33]
2.26
The discussion about bank funding also linked to possible future rules
on capital and liquidity requirements of banks. There is a growing push within
the G20 to make banks safer. The Basel Committee on Banking Supervision has a
key role in developing banking supervision standards. The Governor noted that
the outcome of future proposals ‘is likely to be tougher capital requirements,
particularly on trading book assets—the securities the banks trade for their
own purposes; and tougher standards on liquidity.’[34]
2.27
The Governor noted that the purpose of the increased standards is ‘the
30 or 40 globally active, very big institutions which took more risk than they
should have given the capital they had, got into serious trouble and therefore
placed immense strains on their home economies, on the global financial system
and in some cases required a considerable amount of taxpayers’ money in their
own country to rectify the situation.’[35]
2.28
During the hearing, the concern was raised that Australian banks which
operated more prudently compared to some overseas counterparts could be
adversely affected by the increased capital and liquidity requirements. In
response to this concern, the Governor commented that ‘we want to be sure that
in addressing the egregious problems that these 30 or 40 large institutions
created we do not unnecessarily and inadvertently impair the thousands of other
banks in the world who have been okay.’[36] The view of the
committee was that the Basel discussions were more about developing a ‘North Atlantic’
solution to a problem that does not exist in Australia. The Governor in
response to this stated:
We have made our points known, and APRA puts these points, about
the liquidity rules—in particular through their membership of the Basel committee, as do we. What we need here is to just make sure that there is a certain
amount of national discretion, which there always is in these capital rules.
That is why Basel II took 20 years to negotiate. So we need to do that, which
is why I say that it is imperative that these proposed standards be very
carefully quantitatively assessed; that should be thoroughly done, with time to
negotiate sensible flexibility for countries like us.
It is a very good phrase: the whole crisis actually was very
much a North Atlantic crisis. It was really only a global crisis for six or
eight weeks, I think. The rest of it is mainly a North Atlantic story.[37]
Conclusions
2.29
It is now becoming more evident that the Australian economy, supported
by demand from Asia-Pacific countries, is on the path to trend growth of about 3½
per cent. Through effective monetary and fiscal policy the Australian economy
was able to avoid the worst of the global financial crisis and position itself
for a return to robust growth. This still presents challenges, however, as the
economy may have less capacity coming out of this downturn compared to previous
downturns. The RBA’s management of monetary policy over the next 12 to 18
months is critical to ensuring that inflation remains in the target zone.
2.30
The committee will examine the RBA over its management of monetary
policy and the state of the economy at the next public hearing scheduled for 27
August 2010 in Canberra.
Craig
Thomson MP
Chair
11
March 2010