Chapter 3 - Supplementary tuition programs
3.1
The Indigenous Tutorial Assistance Scheme (ITAS) is a
literacy and numeracy tuition program, supplementing standard teaching
resources and aimed at improving these skills at key points in the first seven
years of schooling. ITAS is a renamed program, formerly known as ATAS during
the previous quadrennium.
3.2
ITAS funds tutors to assist classroom teachers by
giving individual help around or outside the classroom. For this reason, ITAS
tutors are said to run 'in-class' assistance, as distinct from year 10-12
program tutors and those tutors who operate in homework centres after classes
have finished. ITAS funding will be allocated on the basis of the number of
indigenous students who have not met the year 3, 5 and 7 literacy or numeracy
benchmark tests, or students who are at risk of failing to reach these
curriculum achievement levels for their age. Students in remote and very remote
locations attract higher levels of funding.
Rationale for the change that is ITAS
3.3
The evidence that is nearly always missing from a
Senate committee report is any kind of policy discourse from the responsible
minister. Very rarely are second reading speeches of ministerial statements
drafted with a view to coving the kinds of questions a committee might ask.
Political considerations (rather than procedural rules or conventions)
generally preclude the appearance of ministers before Senate committees. DEST,
which states but does not defend or explain policy, points out that ITAS
funding is intended as a 'top up' to that provided in the mainstream recurrent
funding from both Commonwealth and the states and territories. A DEST official
explained the Government's policy this way:
...the government is saying that in this quadrennium it wanted to
more strategically focus its Indigenous specific funding such that, if the key
testing points in the mainstream were year 3, year 5 and year 7, and the
mainstream – for want of a better description – was failing these kids at those
points, strategically let us use those funds to provide intensive support to
those kids there. No-one is saying that there should not be tutorial assistance
provided in early schooling, but that is not necessarily the strategic use of
IESIP ... Why aren't the General Recurrent Grants used for that?[47]
3.4
The committee notes that DEST was unable to cite any
assessment of the educational validity of the failure-based approach to
funding. It may be assumed that this was policy driven by a reporting
imperative, as will become obvious from the evidence in this chapter.
3.5
There are three issues which concern the committee
about changes to the ITAS guidelines. The first is a reduction in funding; the
second is the targeting of the funding; and the third has been the delay in
providing it. The effects of reduced funding remain to be seen, and should
eventually be made known through the performance reporting. The issue of
targeted funding is of more immediate concern because according to teachers and
system administrators, the principles of the funding are educationally flawed
in that they are based on a response to failure rather than on building a
strong foundation of literacy in the early years of schooling. Finally, the
committee's concerns about delays to funding echo many of its criticisms in
relation to PSPI, the difference being that at least ITAS in-class assistance
goes to systems for allocation to their schools and the direct benefit of
students.
3.6
The committee also points out that there has been much
adverse comment on the consequences of the Government's targeting of remote
area students. Targeting of funds in a tight budget has as a consequence the under
funding of some needs in other areas. Those affected in this instance are
students in schools with low indigenous attendance. The Government also appears
to have underestimated the needs of students in urban schools, particularly
across the Top End, who are partly itinerant, and from NESB families. Their
itinerancy can deprive schools of ITAS funding even though at peak times, the
enrolments of indigenous students may far exceed the minimum number to attract
ITAS funding. Thus, 'targeting' becomes a blunt instrument of funding policy,
and in this and other cases does not always address the most needy students.
Past and future funding
3.7
The committee heard much evidence of the importance of
this program, at least in regard to the way it was conducted to the end of
2004. The DEST final report of its review of IEDA in 2004 noted that tutoring
through ATAS had contributed to some improvements in literacy and numeracy
levels. The details of expenditure for all states under ATAS (as it was known)
in the previous quadrennium is set out below.
ATAS Funding $m |
|
|
2001 |
2002 |
2003 |
2004 |
NSW |
5.04 |
7.68 |
8.01 |
9.8 |
VIC |
1.22 |
1.72 |
1.54 |
1.63 |
QLD |
4.96 |
6.4 |
6.87 |
8.07 |
SA |
1.61 |
1.68 |
1.58 |
1.54 |
WA |
3.76 |
5.82 |
5.07 |
4.33 |
TAS |
0.74 |
1.27 |
0.97 |
1.33 |
NT |
2.94 |
6.25 |
6.41 |
7.11 |
NO |
8.12 |
9.81 |
9.08 |
8.35 |
TOTAL |
28.39 |
40.63 |
39.53 |
42.16 |
|
ATAS Approved Students |
|
2001 |
2002 |
2003 |
NSW |
2256 |
2848 |
2420 |
VIC |
783 |
875 |
793 |
QLD |
1588 |
1573 |
1432 |
SA |
904 |
1154 |
1158 |
WA |
1359 |
1564 |
1938 |
TAS |
403 |
264 |
247 |
NT |
718 |
664 |
749 |
ACT |
212 |
227 |
197 |
TOTAL |
8223 |
9219 |
8934 |
|
Parliamentary
Research Service based on DEST figures
3.8
There is a prospect that in some schools, fewer
students will be looked after when the new program comes into full operation. The
new formula fails to anticipate the likelihood that additional funding may be
required in future years for students who may fail to sustain their earlier
success in reaching benchmarks. An estimated 1666 students will attract funding
of around $3.7 million. It may appear that fewer students will be eligible to
receive a higher level of funding[48].
3.9
This is doubtful, however, as ITAS (as distinct from
the old ATAS) does not include an administrative cost component, which must be
bourn by states and systems. It was estimated that there may be a 25 per cent
reduction in the tutor hours available for each student: a significant
reduction for a program crucial to bridging the gap between indigenous and
non-indigenous achievement rates.[49]
3.10
For some schools the reduction in funding is very
significant. Ms Michele
Forbes, the principal of the Nyikina
Mangala Community
School, illustrated for the
committee the stark differences in funding outcomes which can occur under the new
formula. The Mangala School
has only 30 students, ranging from age 4 to 17, so the number eligible to sit
the benchmark examination is very low, as few as 2 students. Under the previous
arrangement, the school received around $30 000 per year, whereas under the new
one, only a few thousand dollars is expected. As Ms
Forbes pointed out, the difference in
funding almost equates to a teacher's salary.[50]
ITAS and educational values
3.11
The final report (2004) of IEDA concluded that ATAS was
a major strength of the program, although it lacked a common and agreed
reporting standard.[51] Some of the most
compelling evidence presented to the committee, though it was not extensive,
questioned the value of ITAS under new arrangements. The committee first heard
criticism of the educational rationale for post-failure tuition in Darwin
in February 2005. There were two related issues. The first was the funding
being restricted to tuition in years 4, 6 and 8. The second was that the
funding was to be directed at students in remote communities. That is, students
enrolled in Darwin
suburban schools were to be treated in the same way as students in large cities
in the south.
3.12
To deal with the issue of year 4, 6 and 8 funding
first: the Government's view is that funding should be targeted at remedial
needs following benchmark tests conducted in the previous year, rather than
provide continuing support. While the rationale for this was not fully
explained, it may be assumed that evaluation of this program will at least show
some sort of result. The Government, in a significant concession, has agreed
that the use of the funding provided under this formula is to be used at the
school's discretion. It can be directed, for instance, to early childhood
years, where most authorities believe it is most effective. But the funding
itself will still be allocated on the basis of the benchmark tests, as the
Government's priority appears to be to have something by which to measure
progress.
3.13
The alternative
way of expending funds, through the more educationally sound method of
concentrating funding in the early years of schooling, or allocating it on the
recommendation of schools selecting students most at risk, may bring results
which are more difficult to measure in the absence of any benchmark results in
the short term. The committee assumes that the Government wants early
indications of success by any possible measurement. There is a presumption that
education funding policy should be determined by what can be reported, rather
that what is most necessary for overall success in achieving learning outcomes.
The committee's preference is the more open ended allocation of funds to those
identified as most in need, so that recurrent funding can be directed at the
early years of learning. This is consistent with current research findings on
learning, and not only for indigenous students. The committee believes that
MCEETYA should prepare some radical policy to ensure that this research be
acted on.
3.14
A number of criticisms have been made of a remedial
learning program based on experience of failure. This is a perverse incentive,
according to the co-ordinator of indigenous education for the Catholic
Education Office in Darwin, who described the funding model as
'pedagogically unsound', being simply a funding formula: a way of distributing
funding. The committee was assured, however, notwithstanding the Government's
rationale, the funding would be well used.[52]
3.15
Representatives from the Queensland Catholic
Education Office saw the system not only as pedagogically unsound, but also as
symptomatic of broader ignorance about the needs of indigenous students:
In dealing with Indigenous students who fail the benchmark test
the model does not recognise that the needs of Indigenous students are
identified much earlier ... the whole social, emotional and linguistic issues
with Indigenous children have to be addressed from day one. We cannot wait to
say, ‘Okay, they’ve failed the benchmark test, now let’s give them some extra
help.’[53]
3.16
The committee was told that most children starting
school at the age of four had non-standard English or Creole; a fact not
recognised in any ITAS or SRA funding elements. Such students had enormous
difficulties in learning standard English. The Government's policy of
leveraging recurrent expenditure to meet the needs of indigenous students was
explained to the CEO in Townsville by the state manager of DEST, and the
response of the CEO was that DEST appeared to consider it an easy matter for a
school or a system to move funds around to meet new priorities. But
realistically, there was no scope for flexibility as funding barely covered
teachers wages.[54] The CEO in
Townsville advised the committee that the 18 per cent non-teacher segment of
the budget had to cover everything else, from professional development to
teacher housing and transport. It had told DEST that priorities could not be
shifted:
That is what I said. It is almost infuriating that this is the
standard answer that we get, ‘You have to find a way of doing it.’ There is a
certain arrogance—or ignorance, I do not know—that applies to that sort of
thinking. You sit there and you take it and you cop it and you give the
standard answer back, ‘It’d be very nice for a DEST officer to be located in
our office when we’re trying to juggle the budget pot, so you can actually come
to an understanding of exactly what we are trying to do.’[55]
3.17
The Australian Education Union (AEU) submitted that the
new ITAS system fell down in three key ways. First, it punished schools which ran
successful programs by removing their funding. Second, the system did not
provide tutoring for students as they progress through years and as subjects
become more complex. Third, the provision of tutoring only as late as the
fourth or fifth year of school was contrary to well-established belief and
practice: that early intervention is necessary for children in need of learning
support.[56]
3.18
The Association of Independent Schools of South
Australia also questions the decision to exclude
students in K-3, 5, 7 and 9 from accessing ITAS by focussing support on
post-benchmark failure. It points out that intervention at that point is
inappropriate, as early intervention is the key to educational success for
students at risk of failure.[57]
3.19
The committee notes that ITAS funding is not
specifically tied to particular years of schooling. There is some flexibility.
But it is more difficult to be flexible if funds are limited to the failure
score. In practice, it would be to the advantage of a school if the vast
majority of students were reported as failing to reach the benchmark. And for
schools which have striven hard for success, the financial incentive will be
lost. Worse, without the continuation of funds which follows failure, there
will be genuine cause for larger allocations of funds in following years. The
position was put the committee in a submission from Amanbidji
School, located west of Katherine
NT:
The first MAP benchmark tests after we [husband and wife
teachers] indicated only one student from years 3, 5, and 7 who achieved the
level. Now in 2004, after consistent, ongoing delivery of the ATAS tutoring...we
received results from the MAP testing to show 100 per cent benchmark pass in
year 3 and 85 per cent pass in year 5. No students were in year 7. ...Our school
has clearly demonstrated how the ATAS has significantly improved all outcomes
measured under the benchmark testing. ...Without the ongoing support from the
tutor in 2005, the students who have not achieved benchmark will not continue
with accelerated learning. It is only with the one on one session that the
students receive extra support and consolidation.[58]
3.20
The submission ended on a despondent note, with the
likelihood of funding for 2005 being reduced to 25 per cent in that received
the previous year, and a great deal of hard work during 2004 being placed in
jeopardy for lack of follow-up support.
3.21
The Council of the Ross
Park Primary School
in Alice Springs made a similar point. At this school, where
every fourth student is Aboriginal, ITAS tutor hours have been slashed from 85
hours per week in 2004 to just 12.5 hours per week this year. Whereas last year
56 students from years 1-6 benefited from ATAS support, only 5 students in
years 4-6 will now receive tutoring. The submission states that ATAS was very
successful, with more students achieving test benchmarks than ever before. The
submission made the point that:
In our experience it takes much longer than one year for
students to catch up to benchmarks, especially if their home life does not
expose them to a rich learning environment and the opportunity to develop
pre-formal learning skills and concepts.
Although most of our ATAS-supported students have reached
benchmarks, they need ATAS support to continue. The new-found confidence can be
fragile if support at home is not forthcoming and the school can no longer
afford to provide it. In our school's experience children often fall behind
again once this support is withdrawn. Further, benchmarks are very low and some
students only just manage to reach them. They need significant ongoing support
to at least maintain this level.
...Under the new ATAS regime some students will be further
disadvantaged through no fault of their own. Those who miss MAP testing, for
example due to illness or 'sorry' business, will have to wait another two years
before they become eligible for tutoring. Even if they were among the lucky
five to be selected for tutoring at Ross
Park Primary School
it may by then be too late to make a significant impact.[59]
3.22
Submissions on ITAS, more than on any other matter,
have highlighted the disjuncture of funding policy and educational practice. It
is one of the consequences of having a funding source remote from the
circumstances of expenditure, while still insisting that motions be gone
through which bear no relation to reality. It is clear to the committee that
most people it spoke to did not understand that ITAS was a funding formula,
purely and simply, for the convenient purpose of ease of measurement. System
administrators generally understood this better than people in schools. The
most powerful criticism of ITAS often came from people vainly seeking a
rationale based on educational principles. These usually came from people at
the 'chalkface' and from indigenous education workers. One of these told the
committee of her own experience:
I have also been given to understand that a child must sit and
do poorly at the relevant tests before they will be considered for funding for
tutoring; that the school, which deals daily with the child and can produce
examples of their work, are not to be part of the selection process. From
experience I know that most children who cannot achieve at class level already
feel bad about themselves and are developing low academic self esteem; some
will do anything to avoid being tested and therefore 'have their noses rubbed
in' their poor abilities. Children, who play truant, claim to be sick, are sick
of are away on genuine family business and do not sit the test are immediately
deprived access to tutoring funding. Why bother attending school if you cannot
participate in most of its activities? Tutoring encourages participation, gives
the individual access. Just knowing that they have a tutor for assistance
encourages attendance.[60]
3.23
The committee considers that these notions represent a
'holistic' approach to teaching and nurturing which is fortunately commonplace
in schools, and requires to be in ever more abundant supply as funding is
further squeezed.
Recommendation 3
The committee
recommends that the funding formula for ITAS be based not on a consequence of
failure to meet year 3, 5 and 7 benchmarks, but generated by the number of
students which schools assess and identify a being in the bottom 20 per cent of
their cohort.
Mobility factors
3.24
A number of submissions and witnesses highlighted
practical problems which the architects of ITAS under its new guidelines,
appear not to have anticipated. The factor of student mobility is one of these.
It is fair to state that DEST appears to have responded to some of the
criticism of its planning in this regard, as a result of listening to the
evidence presented to this inquiry.
3.25
The problem begins with the fact that ITAS funding is
based on the numbers of students who attempt the Multilevel Assessment Program
(MAP). Many students would not have attended school on the day these tests were
held. As the CEO in Darwin
pointed out:
...children who have participated in the Multilevel Assessment
Program for the benchmarks only attract funding if they fail. We have many
students who, through no fault of their own—their families are out bush for the
months of August and September over the three-week period that the MAP is
implemented—are not around. Schools do their best to find the kids and
sometimes they cannot. In that three-week period they are not there. There
might be double or triple the number of kids who have participated at a school.
Therefore, they are an invisible figure for the ITAS funding.[61]
3.26
The committee is aware that parents can apply for an
exemption in the circumstances of their child missing a test, but few parents
would be aware of this, and no more ready to apply even if they were aware.
3.27
The South Australian Government submission points out
that the mobility of indigenous students is generally three times the rate of
non-indigenous students. It points out that the movement between schools of
indigenous students affects their eligibility for in-school tuition. Indigenous
students who may be eligible in one school may move to a metropolitan school
where they may lose this eligibility. The argument here is for funding to
follow the student and not depend on the school they attend.[62]
3.28
The committee heard more concrete evidence of the
complications resulting from student mobility in a remote school in the Northern
Territory. The principal of Shepherdson
College, on Elcho
Island, explained that 10 tutors
worked at the school in 2004. As late as March 2005 there were none, and the
school was only then being supplied with information by NTDEET with regard to
funding for years 4, 6 and 8 students who failed the MAP test in 2004. The
principal raised the mobility question as one funding complication that DEST
may not have factored into its management plans:
If you stop and think that we are in an Indigenous community,
you will realise that most Indigenous communities have somewhere between 150
and 250 per cent turnover. What happens is that the money is allocated to a
particular student. The student may have sat the MAP test here but currently be
over at Milingimbi receiving education. By the time the funding is released to Milingimbi,
that student may then be over at Ramingining or back here at Elcho
Island, and we have to then start
trying to track that student to pass that money on. It is going to be an
administrative nightmare trying to keep track of where the students actually
are within the system.[63]
3.29
A number of respondents made similar criticisms, seeing
the method of allocating funding to schools based on the results of an
examination conducted in one school year, with the results of the examination
applied in the following year, as deeply problematic. In such cases, a student
who changes schools between years will not 'carry' funding for tutorial
assistance, but rather the funding will remain with the school at which the
student sat the examination. In such cases, the result is that funding is not
distributed according to need, even if DEST's method of assessment is accepted
as being effective. The committee has been told that turnover in most
indigenous communities runs at somewhere between 150 and 250 per cent. The potential
for inaccurate allocation is considerable.[64]
3.30
The committee concludes that mobility and attendance
factors complicate the funding arrangements for ITAS. It does not accept that
the benchmark-based funding has much educational validity. It is the kind of
formula that would be more suited to dealing with an emergency health problem
like an epidemic. Given that the funding will, in practice, be available to
school principals to use on literacy and numeracy tutoring at their discretion,
it may have been unnecessary to have confused the issue with benchmark testing.
The committee will be looking closely at how this program is working.
Remote students
3.31
The committee notes the probability that the Government
has been without the benefit of broad advice about remote communities. The Catholic
Education Office in Darwin advised the committee of the realities of dealing
with indigenous students and their communities across the Top End, in
particular, the failure to understand what constitutes 'remoteness' in the targeting
of funds. The Government's decision, it was said:
...has a very southern Australian perspective about it, in that it
is presumed that most kids in urban schools speak English, or close to it, as a
first language, and come from an urban Indigenous background or history. We
have huge numbers of students in our urban schools whose parents come from
remote Indigenous Australia and who speak English as a second language. These
children are in our urban schools. Having been classified as provincial, as Darwin
schools are, they attract funding at half the eligible student rate by the
formula but in fact these students are the same as students at Bathurst
Island and Port Keats. They just happen to be in our urban schools
because they live in town camps such as in Alice Springs
or out near Palmerston. So the same student group is being
discriminated against because of where they find themselves temporarily—two or
three years of living in a town camp, for example. I do not think that the
picture of Indigenous Australia in the top of Australia
is actually mirrored in the funding formula.[65]
3.32
Remoteness is also a problem for some independent
schools in Western Australia. The
experience was similar at the CAPS Coolgardie School, where Principal Jim
Heslop told the committee that the proximity of the school to Kalgoorlie made
it difficult to retain the school's $32 000 worth of funding for the latter
half of 2004.[66] Nor, at the time of
the committee's visit to Perth, did
he know what this meant for the future of the school. Dr
Heslop said:
I do not mind picking up less funding as long as I can
understand the rationale behind the whole arrangement. But, because my school
is now a provincial school for ITAS but a remote school for all other
classifications, I have lost about $36 000 that I would have expected to pick
up when I was working out last year's budget. Now, I will not pick up more than
$24 000. Added to that, when you remember that a third of my school come from
locations that are extremely remote, such as Warakuna...and that they come with
whatever baggage is associated with that remoteness, the fact that we are
classified as provincial rather than as remote is just a little more
confusing-and I can't receive any answers, either.[67]
3.33
The emphasis of the IEDA program on remote students has
been criticised in South Australia.
Submissions have been critical of the fact that access to ITAS funding is
dependent on having more than 20 indigenous enrolments. In South
Australia only 53 out of 318 metropolitan schools
meet this criterion. The South Australian Department of Education figures
indicate that nearly 1500 indigenous students will miss out on this assistance.[68] The Association of Independent Schools
of South Australia (AISSA) made the same point.[69]
South Australian sensitivities in this regard no doubt arise
from the fact the state has the highest proportion of its indigenous people
living in the capital city, reflecting the description of Adelaide as a
'city-state'. Even Port Augusta is now classified as 'non-remote'. But as the
submission from the Minister for Employment, Training and Further Education in South
Australia pointed out, geography is not the only
factor in isolation. Indigenous communities in metropolitan areas are more
socially isolated than other groups in the community, and young people are
therefore more likely to drop out of school.[70]
3.34
The Catholic Education Office in the Northern
Territory put the ITAS funding in the best possible
light. While noting that no funds were targeted at the early childhood years for
tutoring support, the CEO stated:
That is okay on one level, in that we believe that we are
allowed to be flexible with the dollars we attract in at the school level to
include the cohort of students but cover other students as well. However, where
that falls down, I feel, is in urban schools in the Top End—probably North
Queensland and north WA have the same issues.[71]
3.35
The committee notes that schools in places like Darwin,
Karratha, Broome, Cairns and
Townsville are under pressure as a result of having to deal with itinerant
students without being funded for them. Targeting the dollar on the basis of
remoteness creates anomalies which the Government is unlikely to recognise, but
it is indicative of ill-considered or poorly advised policy. The committee urges
that in the light of implementation experience, modifications be made.
Difficulties for boarding schools
3.36
The committee heard evidence of funding anomalies in
the case of boarding schools, particularly in satisfying DEST criteria for concept
plan assessment.[72] The Queensland
Catholic Education Commission reported the difficulties involved in
demonstrating 'partnership' between the school and parents in circumstances
where, by the very nature of boarding schools, any regular representative
meeting between parents and the school is impracticable.
3.37
Another difficulty for boarding schools and their
students is that the funding changes, which attempt to offer particular help to
students in remote areas, do not recognise those students, who though from
remote areas and in need of assistance, reside in boarding schools in large
provincial and capital cities
3.38
The CEO in Townsville provided the committee with a
copy of a newsletter to parents from the principal of Abergowrie
College in Ingham,
part of which read:
Another area of concern I want to draw to your attention is the
loss of $133 000 worth of programs which we ran in 2004. The new DEST funding
has so far proved disastrous for us. Our highly developed extra attention
homework program, our Indigenous program officer, our uncle's program, our
sponsored parent's teleconferences, our indigenous sporting scholarship
program, our dance troupe subsidiary funding – all now cut due to lack of
funds. I've tried to fund out of school fees our extra assistance homework program
just for year 8's this term, at a cost of $15 000 – and I'm just hoping that I
can find funds to continue this into term 2.
The bizarre fact seems to be that Government agencies like DEST,
want to focus funds on remote schools – completely disregarding the fact that
the vast majority of our students come from remote or very remote areas. ...Why
funding is not attached to these students is beyond me; but as you know we try
to help each student and his family as best we can...[73]
3.39
The committee's visit to Koormilda
College in Darwin
elicited similar views.
3.40
DEST responded to these observations at the committee's
Melbourne hearing.
While unable to provide the committee with assurances that the situation would
be resolved satisfactorily, officials reported that the Government had been
made aware of the problems faced by boarding schools.[74]
Recommendation 4
The committee recommends that the Government amend its policy to
ensure that students from remote areas enrolled at boarding schools in cities
remain eligible for the funding that goes to students in remote areas.
Consequences for the supply of tutors
3.41
There were many comments made to the committee relating
to the tutorial crisis: students suffering in limbo awaiting tutors, with the
likelihood of such additional pressure placed on teachers that many would
suffer 'burnout'. The discontinuity of tutors would mean that any resumption of
the program would see a desperate shortage of tutors. The current crisis
indicated that the Commonwealth Government was oblivious to the importance
which schools placed in maintaining a continuing relationship with tutors and
the value of having people committed to an association with a particular
school. The principal of Yipirinya School
in Alice Springs, an independent indigenous school, told
the committee that tutors were being dispersed and would be unlikely to return
to the schools they had been associated with.[75]
3.42
The changes come on top of an already tight market for
tutors in most regions where indigenous students exist in any great number. As
the Principal of the Jiggalong Remote
Community School
told the committee:
There is no way we can attract a relief teacher or a teacher to
come into the community to fulfil that ITAS obligation. Basically, the ITAS
money is sitting there and we cannot access it, because we cannot get a teacher
to come in.
3.43
Difficulties are worsened by the strict rules around accessing
funding. The committee heard that, under the relevant guidelines, only trained
teachers may be employed using the funding, with community members or others
with relevant but formally unrecognised qualifications being ineligible.[76] Fortunately, at least some schools are
able to use the services of devoted Aboriginal Education Officers for this
purpose.[77]
Program delays and conclusion
3.44
As stated at the beginning of this chapter, the delays
in funding was the most pressing problem for most schools. Certainly, this was
the case in February when the committee made its first visits to schools. Since
then DEST has been working to overcome this problem, and the committee assumes
that other problems associated with the funding, and already discussed, have
become more evident. Nonetheless, some of the evidence included in the interim
report warrants repetition here.
3.45
In addition to an underlying reduction in tutor hours,
ITAS has suffered long delays in the provision of funding which have
characterised the government's broader changes under the amended act. An
experienced teacher and school principal in South Hedland
in Western Australia told the committee:
This has been the worst delay that I have known, but it was
because there were just no parameters. We had no idea. There were no guidelines
whatsoever...whenever there were meetings, the comment from everyone was: 'No one
is sure of the process yet', or 'The plans for the process have not been
formalised'.[78]
3.46
The committee presumes that this frustration is gone
but not forgotten. Similar views were expressed in Townsville, where the
Queensland Indigenous Education Commission told the committee of its frustration
and that of the children who would otherwise have been receiving assistance,
but for the delays in getting the funding flowing. The Commission was adamant
that, should tutors be engaged under the assumption that funding would be paid
retrospectively, costs would have to come from school budgets. Retrospective
payments would not occur.[79] The
committee noted that Commission staff reported being told categorically that
funding would not be made available retrospectively. This contradicts DEST
advice to the legislation committee during the February 2005 additional
estimates hearings.[80]
3.47
These are echoes of initial confusion. The committee
again makes the point that this unhappy experience should not be forgotten and
the lesson learned. At the very least, the ITAS program should be reviewed by
the MCEETYA CEO committee over the next twelve months, with particular
reference to issues of equity and accessibility, as well as to the other
outcomes that will be measured.
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