Coalition Senators' Dissenting Report
1.1
ABIP, or "Rudd bank" as it is more commonly known, is touted
by the Government as a contingency measure proposed to cover the possible need
for refinancing of viable commercial property projects if the foreign banks withdraw
from the commercial property market. However there was no evidence tendered to
the Committee of the intention of any foreign banks to withdraw from the
commercial property market and the question must be asked as to whether this
proposal is not an unnecessary overreaction to an unlikely possibility.
1.2
Furthermore Professor Henry Ergas of Concept economics made out a very
cogent case that the establishment of "Ruddbank" would actually
encourage the foreign banks to withdraw from the commercial property market and
in fact create the very problem that ABIP has been proposed to deal with.
1.3
Coalition Senators have grave concerns in regard to the potential for
conflicts of interest, potential abuse of market power and biased decision
making to occur through ABIP as it stands. This is due to the combined effects
of the exemption of the Rudd bank from the Trade Practices Act, and the
composition of the ABIP Board which consists not of independent directors but
of representatives of the four major banks, each of whom has the right to veto
any proposal.
1.4
Unusually for an Agency established by Government there are no clear
lines of accountability for ABIP either to a Minister or to the Parliament.
Instead it seems that the Government’s intention is for the company to provide
refinancing loans up to the value of $28 billion without any formal
accountability process in place.
1.5
Evidence was given that the ACCC was not involved in discussions of any
significant manner with Treasury about the implications of the exemption from
the TPA or the legal framework within which ABIP Rudd Bank would operate.
Coalition Senators found this very surprising given the role of the ACCC as the
competition watchdog of Australian business.
Discussion of issues of concern
Rationale for establishment of Rudd Bank
1.6
When the ABIP or Rudd Bank was first announced the Prime Minster said
the purpose was to support jobs in the commercial property sector should
foreign banks withdraw from the commercial property market leaving projects in
need of refinancing.
1.7
In evidence given to the Committee, the Property Council of Australia
said that of the 23 foreign banks in Australia only one, the Royal Bank of
Scotland, had withdrawn from the Australian market and added that the US
Citigroup faced difficulties. However it has to be borne in mind that both of
these banks faced unique solvency problems in their respective home countries
and that the Royal Bank of Scotland sold Bankwest to help improve their
position in Scotland and that the Citigroup was enmeshed in the banking crisis
in the USA but remains in Australia.
1.8
The Reserve Bank’s February 2009 statement on monetary policy states;
Over recent months there has been some speculation that many
foreign-owned banks will withdraw from the Australian market and that this will
create a significant funding shortfall for business. While there is a risk that
some foreign lenders will scale back their Australian operation, particularly
if offshore financial markets deteriorate further, at this stage there is
little sign of this, with most of the large foreign-owned banks planning to
maintain their lending activities in the Australian market.
1.9
No specific evidence was provided to the committee of further foreign
banks planning to withdraw from Australia altogether or from the Australian
commercial property market but instead vague references were made to what
appeared to be unsubstantiated possibilities that some foreign banks might be
considering withdrawing from the Australia commercial property market.
1.10
While the Government’s stated purpose in establishing Rudd bank is to
mitigate the impact on employment of any withdrawal from the Australian market
the respected Economist Professor Henry Ergas in his submission from Concept
Economics disagreed strongly with the Government writing;
“[t]here seems to be little convincing evidence justifying
the primary rationale for the proposal – bailing out distressed syndicated
commercial property lenders and preventing fire sales – and even less evidence
of a market failure in respect of the secondary purpose of financing commercial
lending in general.”[1]
1.11
He then goes on to suggest that:
“This points to one of the major problems with the proposal:
the moral hazard that it creates. There is a material risk that the initiative
could actually encourage the very actions it is designed the very actions it is
designed to forestall. Forced with a one-way bet, developers have an incentive
to play off their existing foreign lenders which, in turn, could accelerate
their withdrawal from the Australia market.”[2]
1.12
Coalition Senators agree with Professor Ergas that there appears to be
no evidence to support the basic rationale for the establishment of the Rudd
Bank, namely that there will be an exodus of foreign banks from Australia.
1.13
Furthermore Coalition Senators find themselves persuaded by the logic of
the argument Professor Ergas makes that, if enacted, the ABIP/ Rudd bank
proposal could actually facilitate the withdrawal of the foreign banks from the
Australian commercial property market which is the very problem that ABIP is
proposed to forestall.
Conflict of Interest and Moral Hazard
1.14
The gravest concern Coalition Senators have about ABIP is that the
proposed Board structure consisting of representatives of the five shareholders
in the Company namely the Government and the four major Australian Banks lends
itself to the possibility of conflict of interest and abuse of market power.
This is because all four of the banks are involved in financing commercial
property developments and each has a veto over any decisions of the Board of
ABIP.
1.15
The validity of these concerns was highlighted by evidence given by
Professor Ergas who said:
“The majority of commercial property exposures in Australia
are held by domestic banks. In particular, most exposures are held by the
proposed shareholders of the new entity – the four major banks.”[3]
1.16
Professor Ergas quantified these holdings in monetary terms stating
that;
”Australia’s major banks hold $103.8 billion or 63.1 per cent
of commercial property exposures, with $30.5 billion (18.5 per cent) held by
other domestic banks.”[4]
1.17
ABIP will be established under the Corporations Act and is a public
company with limited shares. The shareholders will be the Commonwealth
Government and Australia’s 4 major banks, who will each have a delegate to the
Board. Board decisions are required to be unanimous and the Chair will be appointed
by the Treasury.
1.18
Coalition Senators are concerned that with the major 4 Australian banks holding
such a large proportion of commercial property exposure, there will inevitably
be conflicts of interest for the four major banks in their role as members of
the Board of ABIP.
1.19
The chief objectives of ABIP is said to be to protect syndicated
commercial property loans should foreign banks leave Australia and again the 4
banks who are on the Board of ABIP are major players in syndicated property
financing as stated by the RBA;
“...the syndicated loan market in Australia. In nearly all of
the deals completed in 2004/05, at least one of the major banks was involved in
arranging the loans, and together they committed around half of the funding for
these deals.”[5]
1.20
Professor Ergas expressed great concern about the potential for
conflict of interest composing the Board in this manner will provide:
“The evidence also suggests that the shareholders of the new
entity – the major banks – are the primary domestic players in the syndicated
lending market and could face considerable conflicts of interest in their
decisions to refinance using the entity’s facilities. After all, the individual
shareholders stand to be the major beneficiaries of their own decisions to use
taxpayer funds to refinance loans and support commercial property prices. Since
the banks’ balance sheets must reflect market prices, ABIP’s shareholders – the
major banks – would be very reluctant to accept any taxpayer refinancing of
loans if that support constitutes less than 100 cents in the dollar. This
becomes problematic if the true market value of that asset is far less than 100
cents in the dollar – taxpayers will effectively end up paying too much too
much to refinance these loans.”[6]
1.21
It would seem that given the high level of investment of the 4 major
banks in the commercial property and syndicated financing markets, the scope
for conflict of interest is undeniably high.
1.22
Coalition Senators believe this is unacceptable and not in the public
interest.
Job saving
1.23
The Prime Minister states that APIB will prevent the loss of 50,000
jobs, however, Coalition Senators find this proposition does not stand up to
scrutiny and amounts to no more than Rudd rhetoric.
1.24
As Mr Verwer, CEO of the The Property Council, stated during the
hearings in Sydney:
“ABIP does not put new money into the system and therefore is
not a source of funds for new investment.”[7]
1.25
In effect this means that ABIP will not be engaging in starting new
projects which would create employment. Nor under the terms of its operation
will ABIP invest in projects which are not commercially viable. Accordingly, if
ABIP will not be providing funding for new construction and instead only
investing in successfully operating companies, accordingly it is reasonable to
draw the conclusion that the only commercial property projects in which job
losses might occur would be projects which were not commercially viable in the
first place and which will not be eligible for assistance in re-financing from
ABIP.
1.26
Accordingly, Coalition Senators are of the opinion that the Prime
Minister’s claims about job preservation and protection lack credibility.
Scope of ABIP
1.27
Several submissions, including Professor Ergas’s, questioned the
rationale behind limiting ABIP’s re-financing assistance to the commercial
property market and no other sectors of the economy.
1.28
Why, for example, has no mention been made of the needs of small
business or the agrarian or mining sectors, the latter of which is heavily
dependent on foreign investment?
1.29
Senator Eggleston queried Mr Peter Verwer of the Property Council on
this issue:
Senator EGGLESTON – “I just asked you
what your special case was. The other sector which does of course have a lot of
foreign investment is mining. Are you saying that the property sector has a
higher percentage of investment than the mining sector?”
1.30
The provision of the Commonwealth creating a safety net solely for the
commercial property market despite the fact that other sectors of the economy
were arguably subject to the possibility of similar difficulties was also
questioned in the supplementary submission from Concept Economics by Professor
Ergas:
“For example, there have been significant declines in world
commodity prices recently. These will undoubtedly affect macroeconomic
conditions in Australia. Global commodity price movements affect Australia’s
terms of trade, exchange rate, gross national income, gross domestic product,
and employment. Would Treasury also favour “precautionary” government measures
against such movements – a return to taxpayer funded commodity price
stabilisation schemes for agricultural commodities, for example?”[8]
1.31
Coalition Senators again find themselves in agreement with the views of
Professor Ergas and fail to understand why the Rudd Government should be
prepared to go to such extraordinary lengths including committing up to $28
billion in Commonwealth funds to provide a safety net for the commercial
property sector and not take similar action for other important sectors of the
Australian economy.
ABIP could increase Government debt by a further $28 billion
1.32
Coalition Senators are concerned about the potential of ABIP operations
to increase Commonwealth Government debt by $28 billion.
1.33
ABIP in the first instance will have $4 billion of capital being made up
of $500 million from each of the 4 banks and $2 billion from the Commonwealth.
However, in addition, ABIP can obtain a further $26 billion from the finance
market which will be guaranteed by the Government.
1.34
While this facility may never be used, its existence is a matter of
concern to the Coalition Senators for three reasons.
1.35
Firstly, the scope of projects which ABIP may re-finance is vague and
undefined. The Prime Minister, when introducing Ruddbank, tied the proposal to
the consequences of a commercial property market collapse arising from the
withdrawal of foreign banks from lending in the domestic Australian property
market. However foreign bank withdrawal is not mentioned in this light in the
legislation which however does provide for re-financing in other areas which
are not defined .This may mean that the scope of ABIP re-financing could be
extended beyond financially viable commercial property projects to other
perhaps less viable investments.
1.36
Secondly, Coalition Senators are deeply concerned about the Rudd
Government’s propensity to increase Government debt, which is already
approaching $200 billion.
1.37
Thirdly the Government has not put in place an accountability process
for ABIP to either a Minister or to the Parliament for example through the
Senate committee process.
1.38
The addition of an extra $28 billion in potential debt does not seem
great to the Government, however Coalition Senators by contrast are mindful of
the fact that it took the Howard Costello Government 10 years to pay out the
$96 billion debt left by the Hawke-Keating Government and are concerned that
the ever-mounting debt incurred under the Rudd Government will impose a severe
long term constraint on the Australian people.
ABIP exemption from the Trade Practices Act
1.39
The exemption of ABIP from the Trade Practices Act is another matter of
grave concern to Coalition Senators and it would seem also to the Independent
Senator Xenophon.
1.40
More fundamentally Coalition Senators were very disturbed to learn in
evidence from the ACCC that there had been no meaningful consultation with the
Commission about the implications of an exemption from the Trade Practices Act
and that the ACCC had not been requested to provide advice to the Rudd
Government about the consequences of such an exemption.
1.41
Within the proposed ABIP legislation, section 16 provides ABIP and its
activities with an exemption from the Trade Practices Act. The exemption in
section 16 invokes section 51 (1) of the Trade Practices and which has the
potential for exemption from any of the competition provisions as outlined by
Mr Cassidy from the ACCC during the inquiry hearings in Sydney:
Senator EGGLESTON – “...it seems to be some people’s
opinion that clause 16 would permit other behaviours beyond cartels, such as
misuse of market power. If that were the case, that of course would be another
matter of interest to the ACCC, I presume.”
Mr Cassidy – “The way proposed section 16 is drafted,
it does not specifically refer to just section 45, which deals with
anti-competitive agreements; it refers to the competition provisions in the
Trade Practices Act more generally. So, in the sense that it provides a shelter
for conduct from the competition provisions, it is not only anticompetitive
agreements but it could be conduct under section 46, abuse of market power.
Indeed, the way it is drawn, it could be any of the competition provisions.”[9]
1.42
Coalition Senators draw attention to the fact that the TPA’s competition
provisions and abuse of market power provisions are designed to protect
Australian consumers.
1.43
Further Coalition Senators wish to state that their strongly held view
that exemptions from those provisions should be limited in their use with the
exemption given in section 16 being noted by the ACCC as unusual:
“...there are not all that many Commonwealth section 51
exemptions. In that sense it is an unusual arrangement.”[10]
1.44
With the ACCC as the responsible agency for TPA monitoring and
enforcement, it seems quite extraordinary to Coalition Senators that the ACCC's
involvement in the development of this legislation granting exemptions from
the provisions of the Trade Practises Act was so trivial as revealed by the
evidence of Mr Cassidy;
Mr Cassidy – “To be quite honest, the first we knew of
the existence of section 16 in the bill was when we saw the bill, and that was
when it was tabled. We did have some indication from Treasury, when we were
talking to them about the requests from the committee for us to table emails,
that they were giving serious consideration to the possibility of having a
section 51 exemption, but the first we knew concretely that there was going to
be an exemption was when we saw it in the bill.”
Senator EGGLESTON – “So you have not examined it in
detail? You did not have much input into the development of it?”
Mr Cassidy – “No. Basically, Mr Gregson and I were
dealing with Treasury on this. I can say that our discussions never really got
past that fairly broad brushed general advice.”[11]
1.45
Coalition Senators are very deeply concerned that when questioned about
the exemption and ABIP’s potential impact on the market, the ACCC was unable to
provide any detailed analysis of how necessary the exemption is or whether
competition would be affected, because the Rudd Government had not requested
such advice.
1.46
The failure of the Rudd Government to have not involved the ACCC as the
agency responsible for the protection of consumer interests in the development
of this legislation must be a matter of grave concern to all especially given
the potential, as discussed, for conflict of interest and abuse of market power
inherent in the composition of the proposed Board of ABIP.
1.47
These concerns appear to be shared by Senator Xenophon as the following
exchanges from Hansard demonstrate;
Senator XENOPHON – “In the absence of those day-to-day
governance details, we will not know how necessary the TPA exemption is and why
it was required in the first place until those other details are in place. Is
that a fair summary?”
Mr Cassidy – “To put it plainly, we cannot make that
sort of assessment. Whether Treasury is able to fill in some of those gaps and
therefore help you towards that assessment, I am afraid is something for
Treasury. We simply do not have that information.”
Senator XENOPHON – “That is right. But, until you have
that information, you cannot make that assessment?”
Mr Cassidy – “That is right.”
Senator XENOPHON – “To use that Donald Rumsfeld
phrase: ‘it’s a known unknown’.”
Mr Cassidy – “That is right. It is a known unknown.”[12]
1.48
In reference to the importance of the rules to analysing the pros and
cons of ABIP, Senator Bushby questioned Mr Fahour, the interim CEO of ABIP,
whether the rules would be available to the Parliament in full prior to debate
on the legislation which he regrettably was not able to answer. While the rules
were not made available in time for this report, Coalition Senators trust that
they are made available before the debate in the Senate and believe that
support for the Bill would be unreasonable with so much uncertainty surrounding
this matter.
“Senator BUSHBY – “...I guess what the parliament has to
do is decide on whether we accept, reject or amend the legislation. Given that
it is relatively open on a lot of the matters that will apparently be dealt
with in rules, will those rules be available to parliament in full prior to the
decision being made whether to pass or amend the legislation?”
Mr Fahour – “I am not in a position to be able to
answer that question, I am sorry. You would have to direct that question to the
Treasury or the Treasurer’s office.”[13]
1.49
Coalition Senators again repeat their opinion that coupling the broad
exemption from the TPA’s competition provisions with the 4 major banks majority
market share of commercial property lending, the potential capacity for abuse
can only be regarded as very concerning. Furthermore given the potential
involvement of large sums of public money, it is unacceptable that the
activities of ABIP not be monitored to the same degree as other public spending
arrangements and private business.
1.50
In light of this, Coalition Senators are concerned that besides
evidence of insufficient consultation, there is no requirement for the
monitoring of ABIP’s actions and its impacts on the market by the ACC, nor is
there any capacity for them to intervene even if the detrimental effects of
such practices clearly outweigh any benefits derived from the exemption.
Senator XENOPHON - “What role do you envisage the ACCC
will have in monitoring the extent of the exemption, how far the exemption goes
and what its impact on consumers could be?”
Mr Cassidy – “We do not normally monitor section 51
exemptions. I suppose that is simply because even if—and I am talking in
generality here—a section 51 exemption does lead to, say, anti-competitiveness
or other detriments for consumers, there is nothing that we can do about them.
That is a matter ultimately for government. We do not monitor section 51
exemptions and how they operate.”[14]
1.51
After further questioning from Coalition Senators, these issues were
once again brought to light by the ACCC whose statements further confirmed the
belief held by Coalition Senators that support for this
Bill would involve too much uncertainty.
Senator BUSHBY - “...I note that in one of your earlier
statements you said that we need more information on how ABIP will actually
work before you can provide some opinions on some of the aspects of it. I would
say: so do we, because we are being asked to pass it into law with the same
degree of uncertainty on how it will impact. Do you think that the ACCC needs
to know more about it and how, particularly, clause 16 in part 4 of the bill
will work and how ABIP will approach the issues of concern to you before it
should be passed into law?”
Mr Cassidy – “The government, this is really telling
me, are probably handballing this back into your court, the court of the Senate
and the parliament. The government has made the decision in this bill to put in
place the section 51 exemption. With that exemption there, there is really
nothing that we can do in relation to the way in which ABIP operates, so from
that point of view I do not think it is a question for us, if I can put it that
way, to know more about the way ABIP is going to operate, because with the bill
as it stands we will not be able to do anything in relation to it. In any case,
if I might say so, I think it is more a question for the parliament and the
Senate as to whether they are prepared to pass the bill with that exemption and
that state of affairs in place.”[15]
[emphasis added]
1.52
Faced with uncertainty and the limitations on the ACCC to monitor ABIP,
Coalition Senators strongly believe that the Government should consider
implementing the recommendations put to the Committee by the highly regarded
Associate Professor Frank Zumbo.
1.53
In his submission, Mr Zumbo presents three recommendations which would;
require legislation that would establish any section 51(1) exemptions be
accompanied by a “competition impact study”; empower and require the ACCC to
systematically review and report on all section 51(1) exemptions currently in
effect; and require that a competition impact study be prepared and tabled
within three months of the ABIP Bill coming into force and every year after
that.
Board composition
1.54
As already discussed the Coalition Senators are greatly concerned that
having a Board composed of representatives of the four major banks each of whom
will have the ability to veto any ABIP decision and who are major players
themselves in the commercial property market will inevitably invite criticism.
Worse it may also lead to actual malpractice in the form of collusion, abuse of
market power or other anticompetitive activity.
1.55
Coalition Senators are strongly of the opinion that the proposed
composition of the Board is not in the public interest.
1.56
On first principles Coalition Senators are of the view that ideally
the Board should be composed of independent Directors whose loyalties will
not be divided but devoted solely to carrying out the objectives set by the
government for ABIP or failing this that four independent directors be added to
the Board to balance the presence of the four banks on the ABIP Board.
Advisory Panel
1.57
In evidence to the inquiry, the Committee was told by Mr Murray,
Executive Director of Policy Coordination and Governance in the Treasury, that
the Treasury was:
“..in the process of putting together a panel of financial
experts that the chairman could call upon [for advice]..”[16]
1.58
Mr Murray added that Treasury had;
“very strong advice...from Credit Suisse”, about the formation
of ABIP which was described as being “very helpful”.
1.59
Mr Murray further added;
“we would like to be able to give advice to this chairman,
but, first, that might compromise his position and, second, we do not have the
expertise to be able to do that.”[17]
1.60
Coalition Senators were interested that Treasury is considering
establishing a panel of independent advisers to the chair of ABIP on the
grounds that Treasury itself lacks the commercial expertise to provide
appropriate advice to the ABIP Board. Coalition Senators believe full details
of the proposed appointment of advisers should be made public including the
number of advisers to be appointed, the selection criteria on which they will
be chosen, the length of their terms and remuneration.
Conclusion
1.61
Coalition Senators do not support the establishment of ABIP or
“Ruddbank” as it is more commonly known.
1.62
Coalition Senators do not accept that Rudd Government has made any
convincing case for the establishment of ABIP as a contingency measure to
protect investment in viable commercial property developments should foreign
banks withdraw from lending to that sector. In fact no evidence was presented
confirming that any of the remaining foreign banks operating in Australia
intend to withdraw from lending in the commercial property market. However
Coalition Senators do believe Professor Ergas made a very convincing case that
the establishment of ABIP would actually encourage the withdrawal of the
foreign banks from the Australian Commercial property sector secure in the
knowledge that ABIP financing was guaranteed by the Commonwealth to the tune of
$28 billion and that their equity would be returned in full.
1.63
The Coalition is deeply concerned that ABIP is exempt from the TPA and
among its number of competition provisions, those related to the prevention of
Cartel behaviour by market participants.
1.64
Beyond this, concerns have also been raised that ABIP might be open to
misuse of market power.
1.65
Coalition Senators find it difficult to understand why the Government
has not sought the specific advice of the ACCC in setting up ABIP and it would
seem from the evidence given by the ACCC there was a deliberate Rudd government
decision to exclude the ACCC from involvement in the process of determining the
structure and legal framework under which ABIP would function. Coalition
Senators believe that such a decision could only have been taken at Cabinet
level and call upon the Prime Minister to explain to the Australian people the
extraordinary decision to exclude the competition watchdog, the ACC, from being
involved in advising on the legal framework in which the Rudd Bank would
operate.
1.66
Coalition Senators also question the real purpose of ABIP. In early
statements it was said that ABIP was to be established as a precautionary
measure to deal with the impact of the withdrawal from lending of foreign banks
to the Commercial Property sector. However no evidence was given confirming the
intention of any foreign bank to withdraw from the commercial property market.
1.67
Coalition Senators note that in the actual Bill, scope for entering into
re-financing agreements appears to be broader than commercial property in view
of the following wording in section 7 (2) dealing with the objects of ABIP: “to
provide financing in other areas of commercial lending through financing
arrangements of a kind agreed to by the members of ABIP Limited“. Considering
the broad general wording of this clause Coalition Senators believe the Prime
Minster has an obligation to clarify the proposed extent of ABIP activities so
that the possible impact on Government debt can be evaluated.
1.68
As discussed Coalition Senators hold very grave concerns about the
possibility of conflicts of interest and abuse of market power as a consequence
of the composition of the Board of ABIP being representatives of the four major
Banks and believe that at least the composition Board of ABIP should be
broadened to include four independent members or ideally be composed of
independent directors with no cross loyalty issues.
1.69
Coalition Senators are concerned about the absence of clear lines of
accountability of ABIP to a Minister or to the Parliament as would be
consistent with accepted principles of public accountability where large sums
of public money are involved.
1.70
Coalition Senators are also concerned that ABIP, unaccountable and unregulated
as it is, and with a Board whose independence of judgement could be open to
question, has the potential to add $28 billion to Commonwealth Government Debt
on top of the $200 billion plus potential Commonwealth debt incurred by the
Rudd Government already.
Recommendation 1
Coalition Senators recommend
that the ABIP Bill not be passed by the Senate.
Senator Alan Eggleston
Deputy Chair
Senator David Bushby
Senator Barnaby Joyce
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