Chapter 3
Home care
3.1
As outlined in Chapter 1, the Australian Government announced a series
of reforms to aged care, known as 'Living Longer Living Better' package, in
April 2012. One of the key features of the package is a significant expansion
in home care to assist people to remain living at home for as long as possible,
and the introduction of more choice and flexibility for people receiving care
at home.[1]
3.2
Proposed changes include a new system of home care packages, government
subsidy structure, care recipient fee structure, supplements, hardship
provisions and access to the Community Visitors Scheme (CVS). The government
also intends to move to Consumer Directed Care (CDC), allowing consumers and
their carers to have greater control over their own lives by providing for
choices about the types of care accessed and the delivery of those services,
including who would deliver the services, and when.[2]
3.3
Many submitters were broadly supportive of the increased focus on home
care and consumer directed care, and these views were from across the sector:
We also support the increased emphasis on community based
Home Care compared to residential aged care from 1 July 2013. The enhanced
number and levels of packages will assist older Australians to stay in their
own home for longer. The focus on consumer directed care will allow the
consumer greater choice and control over who will provide which services other
than providers controlling access to the care packages.[3]
...
[The Attendant Care Industry Association] is strongly
supportive of the LLLB reforms, especially the focus on providing more
opportunity for support to be delivered to people in their own homes, enabling
them to age in place and to provide many more alternatives to residential aged
care. ACiA also endorses the principles of consumer directed care, as our
membership has witnessed the profound and positive effect this has had on
Service Users (recipients) with disability, including the aged, in various
funded programs who have exercised their choices to ensure the support they
receive leads to tangible achievements in their community. The reforms as a
whole, therefore, are supported by ACiA as we believe they constitute a
positive and constructive move in the right direction, so people who are ageing
can look forward to remaining in their own home connected to their family,
friends and community, even as they may experience a decline in their health
and functional abilities.[4]
[Southern Cross Care (Vic)] agrees with the broad reform
proposals contained in "Living Longer, Living Better" including
greater consumer choice, control and easier access to services. SCC (Vic) is
specifically supportive of the significant increase in supply of approved
places for home care packages and the removal of the distinction between low
and high care in the Aged care Act.[5]
3.4
As the package of bills would introduce many major changes to home care,
submitters sought clarification around a range of issues and raised some
concern about how the new system would operate. It is to those that the
committee now turns.
Home Care Packages Program
3.5
Should the bills pass, from 1 July 2013 a new type of care, home care,
will replace community care (Community Aged Care Packages (CACP)) and some
forms of flexible care delivered in a person’s home (Extended Aged Care at Home
(EACH) and Extended Aged Care at Home – Dementia (EACHD)).[6]
Home care is defined as care consisting of a package of
personal care services and other personal assistance provided to a person not
being provided with residential care.[7]
Four levels of home care packages would be established to cover a continuum of
home care options from basic home care through to complex home care.[8]
The submission from the Department of Health and Ageing (the department)
outlined the levels of care as follows:[9]
LEVEL
|
Description
|
1
|
Basic care package
|
2
|
Low level care package
|
3
|
Intermediate level care package
|
4
|
High level care package
|
3.6
Home Care Levels 1 and 2 would cover the same types of care currently
available under a CACP, plus other services required to maintain a person at
home. The key difference between Level 1 and Level 2 would be the amount or
quantum of services that can be provided. Similarly, Home Care Levels 3 and 4
would cover the same types of care as the current EACH package, plus other
services required to maintain a person at home. Higher levels of service would
be reflected in higher subsidies.[10]
3.7
The total number of home care packages is expected to increase from
around 60 000 to almost 100 000 over the next five years with each home care
package being required to be delivered on a CDC basis by 1 July 2015.[11]
Under CDC, Home Care Packages will have the following key design and
operational elements:
a) An individualised and transparent
budget;
b) A control and decision making
framework; and
c) An ongoing management and
communication approach.[12]
3.8
Under CDC, consumers would access a Home Care Package in a similar way
to the previous CACP, EACH and EACHD packages. People will need to be assessed
and approved as eligible for Home Care by an ACAT (or known as Aged Care
Assessment Service in Victoria), and then offered a Home Care Package by an
approved provider.[13]
3.9
The contrast between CDC and non-CDC Home Care Packages is illustrated by
the department in the following flowchart[14]
3.10
All new ACAT approvals would be broadbanded at two assessment points
(Level 1 and 2, and Level 3 and 4) which means consumers could move between
levels 1 and 2 or between levels 3 and 4 without requiring a new ACAT
assessment. Additionally all ACAT assessments (unless specifically stated)
would no longer lapse after 12 months, although a consumer or provider would
retain the ability to request a new assessment at any time should their needs
change.[15]
3.11
Whilst there was broad support for the principles of CDC it was noted by
the Council of Social Services New South Wales (NCOSS) 'that many service
providers are unsure about the process of implementation of self-directed
approaches.'[16]
Consequently NCOSS recommended that:
...some core principles relating to Consumer Directed
approaches needs (sic) to be given legislative effect in the Aged Care Act as
well as through the Principles and Determinations in relation to the Act.[17]
3.12
A number of submitters[18]
raised the issue that in areas with very few providers, particularly those in
rural and remote Australia, offering a choice of providers to consumers under
the CDC model was not practicable. On this issue the National Rural Health
Alliance drew the committee's attention to the 2011 report of the Productivity
Commission Inquiry into Aged Care, which found that:
...rural and remote areas generally do not have the population
density or demand to sustain many types of aged care services that are
available in urban areas. The Commission's proposed reforms to increase choice
may have limited applicability in rural and remote areas where there are
relatively small target populations and it is generally only feasible for one
or two service providers to operate.[19]
3.13
Anglicare shared this concern and urged the government to take this into
consideration when determining funding arrangements in the delegated
legislation:
We understand that the needs of people living in remote
communities will be recognised in some of the Principles. We stress that one
size does not fit all and there needs to be consideration on how services can
be accessed especially in relation to consumer directed care.[20]
3.14
There were also concerns from some providers[21]
and peak bodies[22]
that the current version of the Allocation Principles, in addition to the fixed
ratios of home care places, effectively rationed the number and types of
packages for which providers could qualify. Kincare argued that the capping of
places under the Aged Care Approvals Rounds (ACAR) would continue to create a
'mismatch' between the supply of, and demand for, the levels of home care
packages needed in many areas.[23]
3.15
It was also argued that some care recipients would be forced to change
care providers, or even move into residential care, in order to access higher
levels of care if their current provider could not offer the service or did not
have the required place available. This raised concerns for a number of
submitters in terms of continuity of care and the impact a change of provider
may have on health and welfare.[24]
COTA and the National Aged Care Alliance (NACA), in particular, were concerned
that 'consumers will not have an entitlement, based on assessed need, to the
services and support they need'[25]
and recommended changes to reflect the Productivity Commission Report and the
NACA Blueprint in that the 'number and mix of places for residential care and
home care should cease to be controlled.'[26]
3.16
It was observed by the Aegis Aged Care Group[27]
that the move to encourage care recipients to stay in their own home may cause
people to delay entering residential care until they required high care and
that this would increase the proportion of high care residents in residential
care facilities. This claim was echoed by National Seniors Australia:
The shift to provide extended care in clients’ own homes will
raise further the age at which most residents enter facilities, with a likely
increase in demand for higher levels of clinical care and dementia services.[28]
3.17
The committee heard that, when the Government was approached about the
continued rationing under the ACAR systems their response to COTA was 'that the
continued rationing, and the subsequent lack of entitlement for consumers, was
in response to the immaturity of the aged care system at present.'[29]
As noted earlier in this report the government has recognised that further
reforms may be needed, and that the 'Living Longer, Living Better' package is
intended to facilitate this.
3.18
The department acknowledged in their submission that:
Generally, it can be more challenging to establish services
in smaller, rural areas, where providers have a smaller pool of prospective
residents and are therefore vulnerable to fluctuation in occupancy levels.
Additionally access to an appropriately trained workforce can limit the type of
services that providers can offer.[30]
3.19
The government is addressing these issues in a number of ways. The classification
of rural and remote areas as a special needs group is being maintained and
viability supplements would continue under the reforms. The Multi-Purpose
Service Program, designed for rural and remote areas, will also continue to
operate. The workforce supplement would make working in the sector more
attractive across all locations.
Committee view
3.20
The committee supports the improved degree of choice offered in the home
care packages program. Most of the concerns raised by submitters do not relate
to the reforms within the bills, but rather reflect existing challenges in the
provision of aged care, and often in the provision of community services more
generally.
3.21
The committee acknowledges that changing providers can present
challenges, and choice is not always available, particularly in regional and
remote areas. However the committee believes that the significant expansion in
home care places, together with the continuation of special recognition of
rural and remote areas, should lead to substantial improvement to the
availability of aged care in the home.
Supplements
3.22
The primary supplements that are currently available for home care
recipients include the oxygen supplement and the enteral feeding supplement.
The provision of these services to care recipients is based on clinical need.[31]
3.23
From 1 July 2013 approved providers who deliver home care at any of the
four home care package levels would be able to receive a new dementia
supplement or veterans’ supplement if the care recipient meets certain
eligibility requirements. An additional workforce supplement would also become
available from this date in order to support providers to attract and retain
sufficient numbers of skilled and trained workers.[32]
Existing viability supplements in relation to geographical isolation in rural
and regional areas would continue.[33]
3.24
Submitters broadly welcomed the introduction of the new supplements,
however many believed that the introduction of a homeless supplement, CALD
Supplement, and a People with Disability supplement would also be useful and
justified.[34]
These are further discussed in Chapter 6. Concerns regarding the workforce
supplement and its effect on fees, subsidies and providers are discussed in Chapter
7.
Fees
3.25
From 1 July 2014 there would be changes to the calculation of the home
care subsidy and fees for care recipients who enter home care on or after that
date. Changes would include requiring some care recipients with greater means
to contribute more to the cost of their care through an income tested care fee.[35]
However, there would be no asset test for home care.
3.26
Government funding for community care packages is currently provided
through subsidies and supplements paid in respect of individuals, with the
level of the care subsidy determined by the type of community care package.
These supplements are not means tested. Care recipients can be asked by the
provider to contribute to the cost of the care services they receive up to a
maximum level set by the Government. Care recipients may pay up to 17.5 per
cent of the basic pension ($3,240 per annum). In addition, they may also be
asked to pay up to 50 per cent of the care recipient’s income above the
pension. These contributions do not change the subsidy paid by the Government.
Very few care recipients are currently charged the additional income tested fee
and, on average, providers charge residents a Basic Fee of $1,800 per annum for
all types of community care packages (or 10 per cent of the basic pension).[36]
3.27
The proposed scheme would mean that a care recipient, entering care from
1 July 2014, may be asked to pay one or more of the following components toward
the cost of their care:[37]
- A basic daily fee (Basic Care Fee). Consistent with current arrangements,
care recipients may be asked to pay a basic daily fee. This is an amount that
is negotiated between the care recipient and the approved provider, and can be
up to 17.5 per cent of the basic single age pension amount.
- An income tested care fee (Income Tested Care Fee). This is an
amount based on an income test (conducted by the Department of Human Services),
which a care recipient with sufficient income can be asked to pay toward the
cost of their care.
- Any other amounts agreed between the care recipient and the
approved provider.
3.28
The Government’s contributions to home care costs would be comprised of
three parts:[38]
- The basic daily subsidy amount (Government Subsidy). The amount
of subsidy would depend on the type of home care package provided.
- Any primary supplements (Primary Supplements). For example, the
oxygen supplement and the enteral feeding supplement.
- Any other supplements (Other Supplements) such as the viability
supplement and the hardship supplement.
3.29
Under the proposed scheme the amount of income tested fee paid by the
care recipient would reduce what the Government pays in subsidy and primary
supplements. For every dollar of income a person earns above the income free
area, the Government would reduce its contribution by 50 cents. This would be
known as the care subsidy reduction.[39]
An approved provider would be able to recoup this reduction in subsidy by
charging the care recipient an income tested care fee of up to the same amount.[40]
3.30
The scheme is structured so that, should it be implemented:[41]
- no full rate pensioner will pay an income tested care fee for
home care;
- no care recipient will be asked to contribute more than the cost
of their care;
-
no care recipient's home or other assets will be included in
assessing their capacity to pay an income tested care fee for home care;
- no care recipient will be asked to pay more per year in income
tested fees than their annual cap; and
- no care recipient will be asked to pay more income tested care
fees than the lifetime cap.
Annual and lifetime caps
3.31
New annual and lifetime caps on income tested care fees would apply from
1 July 2014.[42]
The annual cap on income tested care fees in home care would be specified in a
determination, however the following estimates have been announced by
Government: [43]
Annual caps
- $5,000
(indexed annually) for part-pensioners or those with annual income greater than
$22,701 but not greater than $43,186 (March 2012 prices); and
- $10,000
(indexed annually) for self-funded retirees with annual income greater than
$43,186 (March 2012 prices).
Lifetime cap
- the
lifetime cap of $60,000 (indexed).[44]
3.32
If a care recipient moves from home care to residential care, the income
tested care fees the care recipient paid in home care would count towards both
the residential care annual cap and the lifetime cap. Likewise, if a person
moves from residential care to home care, any means tested care fees that the
person paid in residential care would be taken into account in determining
whether the person meets the annual and lifetime caps on the income tested fees
for home care.[45]
3.33
Once a care recipient reaches the annual cap, they would not be asked to
pay any more income tested care fees until their next anniversary date.
Similarly, once a care recipient reaches the lifetime cap they would not be asked
to pay an income tested (or means tested) care fee for the rest of their life.
However, in both cases they could still be asked to pay the basic fee which
would not count toward the caps.[46]
3.34
The Department of Human Services will administer the annual and lifetime
caps for each care recipient, with the payment system automatically increasing
the Government subsidy and primary supplements once a care recipient reaches
their respective cap.[47]
3.35
COTA articulated their support for caps on payments by care recipients
indicating that 'Annual and Lifetime caps on what people pay for aged care are
an essential part of the new user contributions regime'.[48]
3.36
Despite also being clear in their support of an annual and a lifetime
cap on fees the Council of Social Service of New South Wales (NCOSS)
articulated their concerns about the financial implications to care recipients
of not including in the caps fees paid for services provided by services such
as the Home and Community Care Program (HACC) and the proposed Commonwealth
Home Support Program:
We are deeply concerned that not including those fees in the
annual lifetime cap might create a deterrent to people accessing home care
packages where there needs might escalate.[49]
3.37
NCOSS were also concerned about the issue of indexation requesting that
the:
...level of indexation needs to be specified in the Act, to
ensure that the annual and lifetime caps escalate appropriately. NCOSS
recommends that the caps be escalated in line with the Consumer Price Index.[50]
3.38
Consumer groups such as National Seniors Australia (NSA) and COTA were
cautious but generally supportive of the change in user fees and charges for
care, with COTA indicating that:
User contributions are an important part of the future
sustainability of aged care and are a key component of a market based system.
It is vital to start changing the culture and expectations now but user
contributions must be affordable and equitable.[51]
3.39
However both COTA and NSA specifically emphasised the need for close
monitoring of these changes:
...the equity, efficacy and impact on access of the new user
charges, in particular in relation to in home and community (home support) care
and support services, needs to be monitored closely by the sector and the ACRIC
from 1 July 2014, not waiting until the 2016 review. If there are serious
problems in terms of disadvantage then government will need to address them
early.[52]
NSA were particularly concerned with the need to evaluate and
review the impact of income tested fees on part pensioners and people just
above the upper thresholds to ensure that recipients of aged care services are
not adversely or inequitably affected by the means testing arrangements.[53]
3.40
Whilst the department indicated that the Consumer Price Index is a
factor considered in calculating the rate of indexation across Government
expenditure in aged care, it indicated that many other factors including the
minimum wage decisions of the Fair Work Commission are also considered. They
have stated that, with regard to the annual and lifetime caps:
The caps will be set in determinations and will be subject to
indexation. The expectation is that the caps will be indexed annually in line
with the indexation of the basic subsidy, primary and other supplements.
Consistent with the broader practice of the Department, the indexation
parameters are not published. There is also no single rate of indexation that
applies to all Australian Government expenditure on aged care. Subsidies and
supplements are indexed differently according to the underlying cost drivers of
each payment type (e.g. the proportion of wage and non-wage costs within the
total cost).[54]
Committee view
3.41
The committee supports the implementation of annual and lifetime caps
and agree with the comments by COTA that the caps are 'a key way of protecting
the overall affordability for individual consumers'.[55]
Income testing
3.42
Income testing would be performed by the Department of Human Services
using the income test fee calculator. Providers would be advised of the maximum
income tested fee they can charge each care recipient.[56]
3.43
Safeguards are built into the calculator to limit the amount of income
tested care fees a care recipient could be asked to pay (the first cap and the
second cap). The first cap would apply to those on a part pension or equivalent
income and the second cap to those who are not eligible for any age pension. In
addition, the lifetime cap may also limit the amount that could be paid.[57]
3.44
The Income tested care fee calculator would be structured as follows:[58]
Step 1. Work out the care recipient’s total assessable income
on a yearly basis using section 44-24 of the Act. This is the definition of
income that is currently used for residential care.
Step 2. Work out the care recipient’s total assessable income
free area using section 44-26 of the Act. For a single, this is $22,700.60 in
March 2012 rates.
Step 3. If the care recipient’s total assessable income does
not exceed the care recipient’s total assessable income free area, the care
recipient cannot be asked to pay an income tested care fee.
Step 4. If the care recipient’s total assessable income
exceeds the income free area but not the income threshold ($43,186 for a
single), the income tested care fee is equal to the lowest of the following:
(a) the sum of the basic subsidy amount for the care
recipient and all primary supplements for the care recipient;
(b) 50% of the amount by which the care recipient’s total
assessable income exceeds the income free area (worked out on a per day basis);
and
(c) the first cap (ie $5,000 per year or $13.74 per day).
Step 5. If the care recipient’s total assessable income
exceeds the income threshold ($43,186 for a single), the income tested care fee
is equal to the lowest of the following:
(a) the sum of the basic subsidy amount for the care
recipient and all primary supplements for the care recipient;
(b) 50% of the amount by which the care recipient’s total
assessable income exceeds the income threshold (worked out on a per day basis)
plus the amount of the first cap (ie $13.74 per day);
(c) the second cap (ie $10,000 per year or $27.47 per day).
3.45
Other submitters[59]
shared the NSA's concerns about the potential impact of this model of income
testing on people with low to moderate incomes. In particular, concerns were
raised that this cohort appears to be paying a higher percentage of their
income on care fees. UnitingCare Australia submitted that:
We acknowledge that care recipients who can contribute to
their cost of care should do so. However, we are concerned that the level of
co-contribution may be prohibitive for many people and that the scaling of fees
for part-pensioner is too aggressive. ... While the proposed methodology is based
on income, it does not seem to take account of any additional costs of living
at home, including for people with a disability or chronic condition.[60]
3.46
UnitingCare Australia provided the committee with information
highlighting what they considered to be the disproportionate contribution
towards fees, in the proposed model, by those at the lower end of the income
threshold. The graphs supplied by UnitingCare Australia also suggested an
alternative scaling approach which they believe would result in a fairer
outcome for those on low incomes.[61]
The following table highlighted the percentage fees to income
at different levels of income:[62]
Annual total income
|
$23,543
|
$32,864
|
$35,000
|
$43,186
|
$50,000
|
$55,952
|
$81,952
|
Basic fee
|
$3,163
|
$3,163
|
$3,163
|
$3,163
|
$3,163
|
$3,163
|
$3,163
|
Care fee
|
$0
|
$4,661
|
$5,000
|
$5,000
|
$8,407
|
$10,000
|
$10,000
|
Total fee
|
$3,163
|
$7,824
|
$8,163
|
$8,163
|
$11,570
|
$13,163
|
$13,163
|
% income
|
13%
|
24%
|
23%
|
19%
|
23%
|
24%
|
16%
|
The following graphs gave a visual representation of the tabled
data and presented UnitingCare Australia's alternative proposal:[63]
3.47
The position taken by UnitingCare Australia was supported by NCOSS, The
National Presbyterian Aged Care (NPAC) Network and echoed by ECH Inc.,
Eldercare Inc. and Resthaven Inc who stated:
We believe the taper rate and income threshold for part
pensioners is inequitable in that it discriminates against those part
pensioners on the lower end of the income threshold. Specifically, all part
pensioners with incomes between $32,701 and $43,186 will pay the maximum of
$5,000 a year as an income tested home care fee. We believe this is unfair to
part pensioners on lower incomes.[64]
3.48
Whilst not directly disputing UnitingCare Australia's modelling of the
proposed income testing arrangements the department suggested that using the
average basic fee ($1,800) rather than the maximum potential basic fee ($3,163)
would provide a more accurate representation of costs faced by low to moderate
income earners. They suggested that Uniting Care Australia's table highlighting
the percentage fees to income at different levels of income could be
represented in the following way:[65]
Annual total income
|
$23,543
|
$32,864
|
$35,000
|
$43,186
|
$50,000
|
$55,952
|
$81,952
|
Basic fee
|
$1,800
|
$1,800
|
$1,800
|
$1,800
|
$1,800
|
$1,800
|
$1,800
|
Care fee
|
$0
|
$4,661
|
$5,000
|
$5,000
|
$8,407
|
$10,000
|
$10,000
|
Total fee
|
$1,800
|
$6,461
|
$6,800
|
$6,800
|
$10,207
|
$11,800
|
$11,800
|
% income
|
8%
|
20%
|
19%
|
16%
|
20%
|
21%
|
14%
|
Remaining
|
$21,743
|
$26,403
|
$28,200
|
$36,386
|
$39,793
|
$44152
|
$70,152
|
3.49
The department also suggested that the concern about issues such as the
cost of living pressures may be 'better considered' by focusing on the
remaining income after the fees have been paid as opposed to fees as a
proportion of total income.
The income testing arrangements are designed such that for
each additional dollar of income a care recipient earns, the care recipient has
more remaining income after fees have been paid, than they had not earned that
extra dollar.[66]
3.50
The department indicated that the lower taper rate modelled by Uniting
Care would mean that:
The Government would reduce its contribution by 25 cents
(rather than by 50 cents). This would lower the care recipient's contribution
to their care coast but would also accordingly come with a substantial cost to
the Government.[67]
Committee view
3.51
The committee notes that there was agreement by many submitters that
home care recipients who can afford to contribute towards their care should do
so.
3.52
The committee expects that that the government will monitor closely the
effects of the reforms on affordability, balanced with the need for a more
equitable system. The committee notes that the thresholds can be varied by
regulation as required.
3.53
The committee is of the view that the proposed model for income testing
will provide more equity, in that different care recipients with the same
incomes and receiving the same care will no longer be charged different fees.
It notes that the combination of proposed thresholds, tapering and scaling appears
to create the potential for some low to moderate income earners to pay a higher
proportion of their income on fees than some higher income earners, however it
notes that this effect is modest in scope.
3.54
The effects of changes to fees and the financing of aged care are
potentially significant, and the need for vigilance during the transition is
discussed in more detail in the next chapter, on residential care. The
committee concluded that it is important for monitoring of, and response to,
financial changes in the situation of providers to take place continuously
following the reforms, and not to be left until the statutory review three
years after the key provisions commence.
Recommendation 1
3.55
The committee recommends that, as part of the arrangements for ACFA
monitoring of the reforms that are recommended by the committee in chapter 4,
evidence be sought on any impacts of the design of the fee scales on care
recipient welfare.
Implications of income fees on
decisions about care
3.56
Concerns were also raised by a number of submitters[68]
about the impact of the proposed income test fee on care recipients in terms of
their decisions about care. The primary concern expressed was that many home
care recipients may be forced because of financial limitations to accept a
lower care level, rely more heavily on the hospital system, or choose not to
receive care at all.
Consumers who are not capable of making basic fee and care
fee payments according to the schedules proposed may be unable or unwilling to
gain access to aged care services as their care needs would otherwise require.[69]
We share the concerns of some other not-for-profit home care
providers that the phase-in of these fees for part-pensioners may prove
difficult for some older people to afford. They may also create problems in
encouraging people to move from Home and Community Care services with much
lower fees onto Home Care Packages, which may be more appropriate for their
needs.[70]
Often, the higher fees for community packaged care are a
deterrent to people using a more appropriate level of support. NCOSS is
concerned that the additional supports available to community packaged care
users, particularly case management, is not being made available due to the
additional financial burden this would impose.[71]
3.57
Aged and Community Services Australia (ACSA) thought that care
recipients were being asked to pay too much:
ACSA finds the level of co-contribution to be excessive and
the scaling of fees for part pensioners too uncompromising which will result in
consumers being unable or unwilling to access community care and therefore
refuse services...If consumers refuse services they will often require greater
assistance via the acute health care services (at an average cost of $1500 per
day) or required admission to a RACF sooner.[72]
3.58
NCOSS was concerned that the fee schedule could encourage more people to
seek HACC care rather than more appropriate home care:
NCOSS is concerned that the implementation of a higher fee
schedule and means testing arrangements would create a further deterrent for
older people who require a higher level of support, and would, in turn, result
in further demands on HACC services (which will, after 2015, become part of the
Home Support Program).[73]
3.59
Pensioners and Superannuants Association of New South Wales Inc. echoed
this sentiment in their evidence before the committee:
...the way the fee structure operates is that clients will have
an incentive to take a lower level care package because they simply cannot
afford the higher level care packages, particularly if they are not eligible
for financial hardship reductions in fees.[74]
Committee view
3.60
Clearly the committee, like the government, wants to ensure that older
Australians obtain care most suitable to their circumstances. While the
committee understands the nature of the issue raised by submitters, there did
not appear to be concrete evidence that the levels of proposed co-contributions
would cause people to seek cheaper care that would not be appropriate to their
circumstances. Between the modest level of contribution being sought, and the
existence of hardship supplement provisions,[75]
it seems unlikely that this will be a significant issue. The committee also
believes that overwhelmingly people will seek out the right level of care
rather than cheap but inappropriate care.
3.61
The committee notes that under consumer-directed care, there is also
some scope for enhanced competition amongst service providers to encourage
price-based competition and to ensure the provision of services is as efficient
as possible.
3.62
The committee recognises that those seeking care who have incomes
greater than the pension will be asked to make a larger contribution to the
cost of care. It believes that these reforms are fair and will ensure greater
access to home care on an equitable basis.
3.63
The take up of the packages will need to be closely monitored, as will
the effects on HACC programs.
Recommendation 2
3.64
The committee recommends that the government closely monitor the take up
of home care packages and any signs of changes to demand for HACC-type
packages.
Economic Risk for Providers
3.65
Kincare and Uniting Care raised concerns about what could occur should a
consumer fail to make a necessary co-contribution under the new arrangements.
The legislation[76]
would require providers to deliver services regardless of people's ability to
pay, raising the prospect of providers being obliged to continue to provide
services and bear the costs whilst pursuing payment options, moving to reduce
services, or awaiting possible hardship supplements. In these circumstances
many providers feel they are carrying too great an economic risk as these
processes may take some time.[77]
It just creates a whole lot of new dilemmas for providers,
restructuring the system in that way – potentially losing quite a lot of income
but also having to make those sorts of decisions about continuing to provide
care to people or not.[78]
3.66
The possibility that, in these circumstances, a hardship payment would
be denied, elicited great concern. The perception of some providers[79]
is that, under the proposed system, the provider would be forced to take on an
increasing debt collector role in order to recover costs. This may have flow-on
effects through providers seeking to reduce their exposure to such risks:
Implementation of means-testing, without an adequate subsidy
level that meets the true cost of services, is likely to reduce the incentive
for Home Care package providers to accept clients with a low income.[80]
3.67
Kincare provided the committee with examples of potential issues a
provider might face as a result of non-payment.[81]
Example 1
Joseph has signed a contract with his provider. He has been
means tested and understands he will be paying $27.47 per day towards the cost of
his care. However, Joseph has a gambling problem. Within 3 months of commencing
his package, Joseph defaults on his payments and admits he is no longer able to
honour his contract.
Providers are unable to view the details governing the
hardship subsidy. Would Joseph qualify? How long will it take for Joseph’s
financial situation to be reviewed? How should the provider support Joseph in
the meantime? KinCare currently carries a bad debtor as consumers who are
financially disadvantaged are not denied a service. What is a fair process? Who
bears the financial risk if a care recipient is unable to pay?
Example 2
Joseph has been advised he needs to contribute $27.47 per day
to the cost of his care. Joseph has advised his service provider that he will
organise unpaid carers to support him in all activities that would otherwise be
financed by his $27.47 per day. Joseph does not want to pay any money to his
provider.
Will Joseph still be entitled to receive the total amount of
his care subsidy from the government, even though he is not contributing any
money himself? It is difficult to gauge full impact of proposed changes without
understanding eligibility and implementation.
3.68
The committee received no specific evidence to suggest hardship payments
would be denied in relevant cases, and remained unclear as to why some service
providers were expressing anxiety about this being something that would present
a qualitatively different issue in the new system compared to the existing one.
3.69
Furthermore, the fundamental responsibility to pay fees will not change.
Under the existing User Rights Principles 1997, a community care service
user has the responsibility:
(a) to pay any fees as specified in the agreement or
negotiate an alternative arrangement with the provider if any changes occur in
his or her financial circumstances
(b) to provide enough information for the approved provider
to determine an appropriate level of fees[82]
3.70
The committee notes that the principles are proposed to be revised under
the new system:
...clarifying that a recipient of home care may place his or
her security of tenure at risk if they do not meet the responsibilities of a
care recipient set out in the Charter of rights and responsibilities for home
care, for example, if they do not pay their care fees for a reason that is
within their control, or they do not allow safe and reasonable access for care
workers.[83]
Conclusion
3.71
The Living Longer Living Better aged care reforms respond to known
issues in the aged care sector: the challenges of increased numbers needing
care, falling numbers of informal carers, low wages and staff retention
problems, and the preference expressed by most people to stay in their homes
for as long as is practical. All of these factors require an expansion of home
care and a strengthening of the financial base on which it occurs. Put simply,
there needs to be more home care, and more money to pay for it.
3.72
The committee believes that the Living Longer Living Better reforms
represent a key step in delivering more and better home care, while
acknowledging there may need to be both fine tuning of these reforms as they
are implemented, and possibly future reform as the sector matures and develops.
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