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House of Representatives Economics
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Chapter 2 Monetary policy and other issues
Overview
2.1
The outlook for the Australian economy is positive. The economy continues
to perform well by comparison with other advanced countries. The near to medium
term prospects for elements of the global economy remain uncertain, but Australia
enjoys such strong growth that the Board of the Reserve Bank of Australia decided
at its November 2010 meeting to lift the cash rate by 25 basis points. This
left the overall setting of monetary policy a little tighter than average, but
the Board judged this to be appropriate for the period ahead, in which growth
in GDP is expected at a little more than 3 per cent.
2.2
For its part, the RBA remains committed to the same framework for monetary
policy that it has followed for the past two decades, keeping the growth of
demand sustainable, so as to achieve an average inflation rate of between 2 and
3 per cent.
2.3
At the time of the hearing, Australian consumer price inflation was
about 2½ per cent in underlying terms and about 2¾ per cent in headline terms. The
RBA expects that inflation will remain consistent with the target, though
further ahead the medium-term risks on inflation probably lie in the direction
of it being too high, rather than too low.
2.4
As a result of Australia’s strong economic growth, the remaining gap
between actual and potential output is small. The November 2010 hearing of the
committee was set against optimistic forecasts for Australia’s future growth
and stability, though an important element of the wider context at the time was
public controversy over the decision of the major banks to raise their lending
rates above the RBA cash rate. The banks received significant public criticism for
their unwillingness to absorb the increase in the cash rate out of their
profits. There were also claims that there was insufficient competition in the
domestic banking sector.
2.5
The most significant driver of Australia’s economic growth has been the terms
of trade. These now exceed the six-decade highs of several years ago. According
to the Governor of the Reserve Bank, Mr Glenn Stevens, the terms of trade are
near an all-time high. These are being driven up by the demand for Australian
raw materials, which has in turn generated a major surge in business investment
in the minerals sector.
2.6
The demand for Australian resources comes from Asia, which has experienced
steady growth. Much of this demand comes directly from China and, to a lesser
extent, India. Rapid urbanisation has ensured strong ongoing demand for steel. While
the RBA forecasts assume a gradual decline in both iron ore and coal prices
over the medium term due to an increase in supply, prices are nonetheless expected
to remain high. GDP in both China and India is expected to continue to grow at
a rate of 10 per cent per annum. The RBA is satisfied that Asian growth has
returned to a sustainable pace, now that a number of countries (including
China) have gradually withdrawn the monetary and fiscal stimulus that they had
been applying.
2.7
By contrast, countries at the centre of the financial events of 2007 and
2008 have so far experienced subdued recoveries. The G7 countries are expected
to grow at a rate of about 2½ per cent, following a contraction of 3½ per cent
in 2009. This will leave a considerable margin of spare capacity, particularly
of unemployed labour. In addition, global financial markets have continued to
improve, but were increasingly focussed on the rise in sovereign debt in a
number of countries. The sustainability of this debt remains an issue for
markets and policymakers.
2.8
Overall, global GDP growth is likely to be around 4¾ per cent, which is
above the trend established in the previous decade. The RBA expects that within
a year from now there should be some moderation in the rate of global growth.
Forecasts for the economy
2.9
The RBA remains optimistic about Australia’s economic prospects: its
central forecast is for economic grow of 3½ per cent from the December quarter
2010, reaching 4 per cent by the end of 2011. The RBA stated:
The
outlook is positive, supported by the expected strong growth in investment in
the resources sector, the income boost flowing from the elevated level of
commodity prices and ongoing solid population growth, albeit at a reduced pace
relative to the high rate of around a year ago.[1]
2.10
The RBA reported a recent shift from public to private demand and noted
that while stimulus spending contributed to GDP growth over 2009-10, there will
be a subtraction from GDP growth in the period ahead as this effect gradually
fades.[2]
2.11
The RBA’s key output and inflation forecasts are available in numerical
form in Table 2.1 and graphically in Figure 2.1. Key drivers for the strong
rate of growth in GDP include: a pick-up in private demand, itself largely
driven by business investment (especially investment in mining), robust growth
in income and a strong labour market.[3]
Table 2.1 RBA Output and Inflation Forecasts (a)
|
|
June
2010 |
Dec
2010 |
June
2011 |
Dec
2011 |
June
2012 |
Dec
2012 |
June
2013 |
GDP |
|
3.3 |
3½ |
3½ |
3¾ |
3¾ |
4 |
4 |
Non-farm GDP |
|
3.3 |
3¼ |
3¼ |
3¾ |
3¾ |
4 |
4 |
CPI |
|
3.1 |
2¾ |
2¾ |
2¾ |
2¾ |
3 |
3 |
Underlying inflation |
|
2¾ |
2½ |
2½ |
2¾ |
2¾ |
3 |
3 |
(a)
Technical assumptions include A$ at
US$1.00, TWI at 74, and WTI crude oil price at US$87 per barrel and Tapis crude
oil price at US$90 per barrel. Sources: ABS; RBA
Source Reserve
Bank of Australia, Statement on Monetary Policy, 4 November 2010, p. 62.
Figure 2.1: RBA Output and Inflation Forecasts (per cent, by quarter)
Source Reserve
Bank of Australia, Statement on Monetary Policy, 4 November 2010, p. 62.
2.12
The central forecasts rest on the technical assumption that the exchange
rate remains at its current level and that changes in the cash rate are
consistent with market expectations.[4]
Inflation targeting and monetary policy
2.13
The decision of the RBA Board to raise interest rates in November 2010 sparked
public debate. The committee was interested in finding out what had prompted
the Board’s decision, given that inflation had appeared to be under greater
control in November than it had in October. The Governor explained by stating that
while the most recent inflation data was indeed ‘a touch lower’ than many had
previously forecast, this was due to falling food prices, which he did not see
continuing. Moreover, there were indications from the producer price data that
indicated ‘a pick-up in pressure’ on inflation.[5]
2.14
The Governor further developed his views on inflationary pressures by referring
to the international situation. In his view, the US was not falling into
another recession at this time, Europe continued to ‘ebb and flow’, while China
was growing at a rate of 10 per cent for this year. To compound matters,
Australia’s terms of trade were having an increasing impact on the domestic
economy. This impact was considerable, making it ‘a once or twice in 100 years
event’.[6]
2.15
The committee referred to the consensus amongst economists that the cash
rate would probably reach around 5½ per cent in 2011 and asked if this view was
consistent with the RBA’s central case. The Governor noted that:
What
we will find is that the consensus can shift around a bit. It is only a few
months ago that some market pricing suggested that the cash rate might actually
fall before the end of this year, which, of course, it did not.[7]
2.16
Further to this statement, Dr Debelle added that market pricing
currently has the cash rate rising to 5 per cent by the middle of next year,
with a minor rise beyond that.[8]
2.17
The committee explored the RBA’s 2 to 3 per cent inflation target and
the level of variation within that range. The Governor advised that half the
time inflation has been above or below that range, but insisted that it is not
possible to fine-tune inflation so closely that it is never outside that band.[9]
The RBA aims to keep activity within the ideal range, but to do so without
crushing the real economy in the process. In his opinion, it would be a mistake
to set a higher target for inflation, merely because of the difficulty in
meeting the low one and ‘that would get us higher interest rates in the long
run’.[10]
2.18
During the hearing the committee noted the increase in utility
prices. The Governor explained that the current rise in electricity prices, for
example, was an effect of developing new capacity after a period of
underinvestment. This can either be paid for by users or by taxpayers. The Governor
also observed of this that ‘analytically, it is best thought of as a one-time
rise in prices, but it filters out over several years so we observe it as a
higher rate of inflation in these parts of the CPI for a time.’[11]
The ‘neutral’ or ‘normal cash rate
2.19
At previous hearings the committee has examined the RBA about the policy
cash rate and, in particular, what the neutral level is. Interest rates are
generally referred to as ‘neutral’ if they are not having an expansionary or
contractionary effect on the economy. At the February 2007 hearing, Mr Stevens
indicated that the then policy cash rate of 6¼ per cent was ‘mildly on the
restrictive side of neutral.’[12]
2.20
At the current hearing, Mr Stevens noted that the policy cash rate of 4¾
per cent is slightly above normal. The neutral level is lower in November 2010
compared to February 2007 because market rates are higher and the RBA takes
market rates into consideration when setting the policy cash rate. The Governor
stated:
What
we are saying today is that, because the margin in the cash rates and the rates
people actually borrow at has risen, we calibrate what we think of as normal,
at least while that widening remains in place. I would have said that the 4.5
cash rate, which is clearly well below what was normal before, is for all
intents and purposes normal in the world we are in now where the margins have
widened because it delivered a mortgage rate or a business loan rate that was
pretty much the average of the past 15 years. As of the last decision, we have
moved above that a bit now. I think we would have to say that, particularly
given the increase in loan rates is a bit higher than what we did, monetary
policy settings are a bit above normal now.[13]
The multi-speed economy
2.21
There are sectors of the economy which are experiencing varying degrees
of growth. The committee discussed the adequacy of other economic policy
mechanisms, besides monetary policy, for dealing with a multi-speed economy. The
Governor acknowledged that the RBA can set the overnight price of money. He
also stated that while banks used to be subject to a greater degree of
direction thirty or forty years ago, ‘those direct controls were pretty
ineffective’.[14] The Governor believed
that other policy mechanisms, such as fiscal policy, are better suited to
addressing distributional problems across disparate regions and that ‘we best
manage them not by trying to resist the forces for but rather by helping change
happen more smoothly and helping the people who bear the cost through it’.[15]
Capacity constraints
2.22
Earlier this year Dr Lowe outlined in a speech that the main task for
Australia is to expand the supply side of the economy, so that demand can grow
solidly without causing inflation to rise.[16] During the hearing the
committee asked Dr Lowe to elaborate on the key supply side deficiencies that
the RBA is concerned about.
2.23
Dr Lowe advised that his point had been that living standards are
usually determined by productivity. Over the last decade the growth in living
standards has largely come from increases in the terms of trade. Dr Lowe
explained ‘we cannot expect the terms of trade to keep rising and we will
inevitably go back to a period where growth in our living standards is going to
be determined by productivity growth, or, to put it another way, expansion of
the supply side’.[17]
2.24
In the subsequent discussion about the supply-side of the economy, the
committee noted that the government was investing $27 billion taxpayer capital
and $10 billion taxpayer debt in the National Broadband Network and asked the
Governor if there is a risk if the government funds capital projects that the
private sector has rejected and what hurdles should such projects face. The Governor
stated that ‘I do not want to get into the NBN in any detail...[as] it is an
area outside our core area of expertise’.[18] He went on to note that
there probably are some projects that the private sector will not fund that
ought to be done, but whether this is one of them would be another question. The
Governor also stated that there ought to be proper cost-benefit analyses of all
proposed projects.[19]
Labour market flexibility
2.25
The committee noted that the RBA had previously commented on labour
market flexibility and sought the Governor’s views about this, being concerned
that decreased flexibility might have an inflationary impact.[20]
The Governor responded by stating that the fact that unemployment had peaked
below 6 per cent was unequivocally good news, but that it was very hard to tell
what effect regulatory changes to the labour market might have.[21]
The Governor stated:
As to
the regulatory changes, it is an important question to what extent these
changes may have flexibility. It is very hard for me to tell. Many people that
we encounter from a business background are quite concerned. It is not
uncommon, of course, that when there has been a change for there to be
uncertainty about how the new system will work. In some respects, I guess, one
would have to say it is as much in the implementation and administration of it
as in what the legal provisions themselves say.[22]
2.26
The committee asked the Governor about any knowledge that he might have
about evidence or data concerning a possible connection between the legislative
changes between 2004 and 2008 and enhanced productivity. In response to this, the
Governor stated that:
I think it would be hard to sustain an argument that a particular set of previous
arrangements had led to a leap in productivity, based on the aggregate data. I
would not want to have to make that argument because the data are not that
strong. The people who would defend those arrangements would not defend it on
that set of figures, I guess.[23]
2.27
The Governor did not wish to make any judgement about the latest
legislative changes on workplace relations, stating that he could not give any
kind of precise date to look for evidence of the impact of legislation on
productivity, but proposed instead that the key test would be ‘whether we can
go through a period of labour market tightness like we had three years ago and
not see a materially more adverse outcome overall for the economy than we had
then’.[24]
Fiscal stimulus
2.28
Following the committee mentioning that the fiscal stimulus was being
withdrawn at a rate of about 1 per cent of GDP over the next financial year,
the committee asked the Governor how confident he was that the economy would be
able to offer employment for people who had been employed as a result of that
stimulus. The Governor responded by stating that we simply cannot be certain
about the so-called handover from public to private spending, but that various
factors (including an increase in household income and increase in the terms of
trade) suggested that we ‘are getting...the handover from temporary public stimulus
to the private’.[25] Dr Lowe confirmed that
there has been a substantial increase in business investment.[26]
2.29
The committee was keen to explore the interplay between fiscal and
monetary policy, in particular the impact of the structural budget deficit and
the stimulus spending on interest and exchange rates. The Governor explained that
this was an issue that had been covered many times before and went on to state:
There
are various shocks hitting the economy that affect demand. Some of them are
offshore; some are domestic. There is monetary policy and, of course, there is
fiscal policy which has an impact on final demand in the economy. As a matter
of logic, it has to be true—doesn’t it—that if there is a major change in the
fiscal approach that has an impact on demand, and we are not talking trivial
numbers but significant impacts, that has to affect, compared with the
alternative, the outlook and therefore it has to affect the way we take our
decisions.[27]
2.30
When pressed on what would have happened with the cash rate had there
been less fiscal stimulus, the Governor stated that it would have been lower,
but qualified that observation by noting that it would not necessarily follow
that this ‘would...be a better mix of policies’.[28]
2.31
During the hearing the committee mentioned a claim made by Chris
Richardson of Access Economics, namely that a cut in the budget deficit of $13 billion
would reduce interest rates by 1 per cent. The Governor responded to this by stating
that significant fiscal tightening would indeed lead to an easing of monetary
policy and a lower exchange rate.[29]
2.32
Following this, the committee raised the Non-Accelerating Inflation Rate
of Unemployment (NAIRU) in connection with the Governor’s opening statement
that the economy was pretty close to full potential output. The Governor stated
that, ‘I do not want to make a prediction about the NAIRU if I can avoid it,
because it is an analytical construct that is useful as a device but there is
no statistic you can look up to see what it is; you can only observe it from
experience.’[30] He also explained that
the unemployment rate had been fairly stable at around 4 percent for a while,
was now around 5 per cent, with a pick-up in wage growth that was no faster
than was to be expected. We were close to potential output because ‘we should
not expect from here to be able to grow the economy very quickly over an
extended period without getting into trouble’.[31]
Bank profits and bank competition
2.33
As previously noted, the banking sector’s profits had inspired some controversy
in the weeks leading up to the hearing. The committee was interested in drawing
out any connection between the profits of the banking sector and their rates. During
the hearing the committee referred to a chart showing the growth in profits of
the Commonwealth Bank over the last ten years and asked ‘how is someone, who
has a mortgage with the Commonwealth Bank or one of these big banks, expected
to feel when they see figures like the profits that banks continue to make and
justification that banks need to raise their margins?’ The Governor stated
that:
...if
we prepared a chart like the one you did there in absolute dollars for the
profits of a whole bunch of large listed Australian companies, they would look
very like that chart...if my choice is between banks with good profits and banks
with no profits then I choose the former every time from an overall
macroeconomic point of view...we need to be careful not to forget the size of
the capital that is invested in these institutions, because you have to compare
the two...[32]
2.34
The Governor elaborated on bank profits by pointing out that businesses
need to ensure that the price of their products covers their costs, including
the cost of equity. The Governor stated:
...but
over time I think the thing that, maybe, has not had much focus is that the
overall bank margins that we see today are a little higher than they were a
couple of years ago but, compared to 10 or 15 years ago, are much lower,
particularly in the mortgage base. That is a result of competition and
efficiency gains, and most of those gains actually are still in place today,
compared with, say, the year 2000 or the year 1995. It is quite different to
then. We are arguing about a small backtrack a little way back up that curve
but, when you look at that story in broad historical perspective, the overall
net interest margins have been fluctuating between 2¼ and 2½ for about four or
five years. There is not a lot of change.[33]
2.35
The Governor insisted that if the underlying question is whether
mortgage holders are paying seriously higher rates than they should be, the
answer is no, ‘because we have pretty much offset the change in the margins by
doing different things in the cash rate from what we would have done had the
margins not shifted’.[34]
2.36
The Governor went on to point out that increases in lending rates were
an effect of increased competition for funds by banks. The major Australian
banks have increased their holdings of domestic deposits, in order to reduce
their holdings from wholesale funding sources. The Governor stated that:
It
is pretty obvious why that happens and I think it is prudent of them to do it.
What we have seen in the past several years is that those wholesale funding
sources, which for some years up to the middle of 2007 were very available,
very inexpensive and, apparently, quite reliable and quite stable, changed
dramatically after the problems began in 2007 and especially after the Lehman
failure in September 2008. I think every banker in the world and every
supervisor concluded that it was a more unstable and risky source of funding
than had previously been assumed and that banks, therefore, needed to change
their funding mix more in the direction of things that could be expected to be
stable. Our banks have done that. I cannot say that I regard that as something
to regret. I think it is probably prudent. What that has meant is that there
has been much more intense competition to raise funds by financial institutions
in that space than there had been before.[35]
2.37
The committee also expressed an interest in the significance of the market
share of the major banks, noting that while in 2007 the leading four banks
accounted for roughly 68 per cent of household lending, by 2010 this had risen
to 80 per cent. Dr Debelle advised the committee that for the last six months,
the major banks’ share of lending has been falling.[36]
2.38
The committee was concerned that the costs of loans were higher for small
business than for households (concerns expressed in terms of possible
‘price-gouging’). The Governor noted that lending to small business entailed
higher risks than lending on the average home.[37]
Bank guarantee and moral hazard
2.39
The committee explored the $850 billion worth of guarantees that
taxpayers provided to private banks, in order to examine the issue of moral
hazard. The Governor advised that the Australian Government had made available
a guarantee for wholesale funding and that while there had been some risk in
doing this it was very well paid to take that risk and is currently earning
about $1 billion a year in fees.[38] In addition, the stock
of guaranteed liabilities is now closed. The Governor stated while that while
these had reached around $170 billion or $180 billion, they are now falling; and
the guarantee on deposits of over $1 million finishes at the end of October 2011.[39]
2.40
As for the question of moral hazard, the Governor stated that the
intervention by the Australian authorities was ‘pretty mild’ by global
standards. These interventions were necessary because ‘the system faced a
catastrophe in the absence of these measures’.[40] He advised that the
outstanding issue is whether or not such guarantees should be issued in future.
His view is that the government should aim to be in a position to say to banks,
‘no, we are not going to give a guarantee and the system can cope with that.’[41]
2.41
When asked as to whether these guarantees formed a contingent liability
for the Commonwealth, the Governor warned that this is a difficult matter to
discuss publicly. He did not believe that any government would ever allow the
system to collapse and noted that ‘a bank failure...is not like the failure of
any other business...which is why we have regulation that is much more
intrusive on a bank than it is on your average industrial company’.[42]
It is, therefore, probably impossible to eradicate the risk of moral hazard.
2.42
Continuing with its interest in government support for the banking
sector, the committee expressed concerns that, since the RBA was the lender of
last resort to institutions in difficulty, it might end up supporting insolvent
firms. The Governor explained that there were essential differences between
responding to a liquidity crunch by loaning money at high rates to a sound bank
and supporting an insolvent one. While the former was appropriate, the latter
was not. If there was a case to be made for rescuing an insolvent bank, that
decision would have to be made by the government of the day.[43]
2.43
The committee raised the possibility of a trade-off between competition
in the banking sector and system stability. In his response to this issue, the Governor
explained to the committee that while banking competition is good to a point, it
may yet lead to problems, such as when lending standards fall to such an extent
that the sector ‘ends up lending money to people who really should not get it’.[44]
2.44
During the hearing the committee asked the Governor to elaborate on his
views about competition and efficiency, especially in connection with the
long-run drop in the net interest margin from 2000 to 2004 referred to in the
statement on monetary policy.[45] The Governor answered by
pointing out that the trend actually dates from 1990 or so, when non-bank
competitors entered the mortgage market. The banks responded by containing
their costs and improving their efficiency. As the efficiency of the financial
system improved, credit became more available and prices fell.
2.45
The committee also asked about the role that the government’s $16
billion injection into the residential mortgage-backed securities market is
having on that market and whether it is helping those lenders recover. The Governor
noted that the demand for mortgage backed securities suffered as a result of
developments in America. Many of the sources of demand for such products have
disappeared. The Australian Office of Financial Management (AOFM) purchases
helped prop up demand. Dr Debelle supported this, stating that ‘the AOFM has
bought about one-quarter of the mortgage backed securities that have been
issued over the past year or so’.[46]
Exchange rates and external trade
2.46
The link between the higher exchange rate and the suppression of
inflation was examined during the hearing. The Governor explained that a higher
exchange rate lowers the import prices for tradeable goods. The producers of
export goods or services are price takers in global markets, so the domestic price
goes down as the exchange rate goes up.[47] The purchasing power of
importers goes up, enabling them to either enjoy higher margins or pass on
price gains to customers. A transfer of income takes place via the exchange
rate, which helps with holding down inflation. It also transfers some domestic demand
off-shore, but makes it harder for many exporters.
2.47
This does not have a large, negative, effect on the mining industry,
because the price of iron ore has gone from $25 to $125 a tonne. However, exporters
of education services suffer, because their foreign currency price has not gone
up, so they must lower the Australian dollar price they charge in order to
compete. As Ken Henry noted, it is almost a three-speed economy—there is the
mining sector, the traded part of the economy that is not mining but is
affected by the exchange rate, and the rest.
United States, China and the global economy
2.48
The ongoing crisis in European financial markets formed a critical
feature of the context in which the hearing was held. In his opening remarks
the Governor noted that there had been an increase in sovereign debt in a
number of advanced countries and that the sustainability of this debt remains
an issue for markets and policymakers alike. During the hearing the committee expressed
its concern about the volatility and uncertainty in Europe and asked what possible
consequence Australia might face. The Governor advised that the real question
was not the fate of small countries like Ireland, but what would happen if the
larger ones got into similar trouble. The Governor stated:
...for
several years we will see periodic flare-ups of anxiety in Europe...What that
means is that, for us, we balance the possibility that things could go
pear-shaped in Europe— they may or may not; we will not know for sure for quite
some time. I think in the US things are probably going to be okay, but they are
not that strong. Of course, then we have Asia, and as every year it goes by it
is clearer and clearer that the centre of gravity in the world economy is
shifting there and we are very plugged into that, so we have to manage that. It
is a complicated picture.[48]
2.49
The committee was interested to learn about the implications of steel
production in key global markets for Australia’s terms of trade. The Governor
explained that the rate of growth in some key markets (in particular those with
steel-intensive built environments) is critical. Over the past decade and a
half 300 million people in China have moved from rural areas to apartments in
the cities and these apartments required steel, which in turn required iron
ore. Thus, Chinese demand for steel keeps the global price of iron ore high. Dr
Lowe added that India is just starting to urbanise on a comparable scale, but
over the next 20 years we might reasonably expect 100 million or 200 million
people in India to move from rural areas into city apartments. Demand for steel
underpins our favourable terms of trade and is fundamental to our medium term
prospects.[49]
2.50
During the hearing the committee examined developments in bank
regulation under way within the G20. The Governor reported that: banks would
have to hold more capital (in particular higher quality capital and more equity
capital); there will be an average leverage ratio in addition to the Basel risk
weighted capital standards; there will be liquidity standards designed to
prompt more careful and more active management of capital, especially liquidity
capital. It will be 2019 before these are all fully phased in.[50]
2.51
The Governor assured the committee that he did not anticipate any great
difficulty for Australian banks in meeting the standards. The Governor stated:
I do
not think our banks will have very much trouble accumulating the additional
capital they will need. They are quite close to the new requirements already in
most cases. I might say that APRA has had a fairly conservative way of
approaching these things all along. Our banks have tended to complain over the
years that, if only APRA would measure capital the way the British do, we would
all look better. But what is happening is that the way others are thinking
about this is shifting closer to where APRA has been all along.[51]
2.52
According to the Governor, the principal issue for Australia is that the
new standards require banks to hold more government securities, as a
high-quality liquidity buffer, but there is not enough Australian government
debt to do this.[52] Dismissing press reports
that Australia would seek an exemption from the Basel standard, the Governor
said:
There
will not be an exemption. Our system will meet the standard, but it will meet
it in a different way to the average country in recognition of the fact that there
just is not enough government debt in existence to meet it the normal way... I
think we will be able to come to a way of meeting the standard in a fashion
that makes sense for Australia.[53]
2.53
The committee wanted to know how Australia’s macroeconomic position
compared to that of other developed countries. The Governor responded by
stating that in respect to comparable countries, Australia had a modest
downturn, that the fall in GDP here was relatively low and we returned back to
growth more quickly. He also noted that it had been our smallest recession
since World War 2, that unemployment rate peaked below 6 per cent and that while
our public debt is higher than it was, it is low by the standards of developed
countries.[54]
2.54
Asked directly if Australia had too much government debt, the Governor
stated that: ‘I have never felt in recent years that the size of the public
debt that we have outstanding is a material problem for the country’.[55]
Household savings
2.55
The committee asked the Governor to elaborate on the increase in
household savings referred to in the statement on monetary policy, in
particular finding out if the trend is sustainable and what the consequences of
this trend are likely to be. In his response the Governor replied that there
has been a noticeable rise in the saving rate. The bank assumes that this trend
will continue. The Governor hypothesised that ‘there has been a kind of sea
change in people’s attitudes that we would expect to persist for a while’.[56]
While this may be difficult for retailers, it increases competitive pressures
on pricing, which assists with keeping inflation low.
ATM fees
2.56
During the hearing the committee sought advice on ATM interchange fees.
The Governor advised that the bank had initiated some reforms. These included
the abolition of interchange fees, disclosure of the fee at the time that the
fee is incurred and ensuring that the person who owns the ATM sets the fee.
2.57
The results have been that nobody pays a fee for using their own bank’s
ATM; almost everybody has access to a network that will give them a fee-free
withdrawal; there has been a marked increase in the proportion of transactions
done at own-bank and a corresponding fall in transactions at ‘foreign’
machines; the aggregate savings in fees resulting from all of this is about
$120 million a year across the community, and an apparent increase in the number
of ATMs available.[57]
Conclusions
2.58
Australia continues to enjoy economic conditions that would be a welcome
relief to almost all other industrialised nations. Inflation remains within the
targeted range and unemployment remains relatively low in historic terms, while
the terms of trade has enhanced the global purchasing power of Australian
households.
Craig Thomson MP
Chair
9 February 2011