Chapter 7 Promoting future productivity growth
7.1
Productivity surged in the 1993-94 to 1998-99 cycle, and has since
declined. Boosting productivity growth in spite of the challenges outlined in
chapter 5 will be assisted by well-targeted public policy.
7.2
This chapter discusses how government can boost productivity through a
range of public investment and regulation initiatives. The agenda of the
current government is described under each heading.
The national policy approach to facilitating productivity growth
7.3
Government policy decisions cannot by themselves raise the level of
productivity growth. Rather, sensible government intervention in markets,
through investment in infrastructure and human capital or modifying regulatory
frameworks, lifts productivity by enabling firms to allocate resources more
efficiently.
7.4
Professor Green opined on the role of government in meeting the
challenge of raising the level of productivity growth:
I think government can only do so much to facilitate change.
It cannot prescribe change. It cannot prescribe good or productive behaviour. But
it can facilitate it, and it needs to find flexible and agile ways of doing so.[1]
7.5
The Treasury described the role of public policy in responding to the
productivity challenge:
Public policy settings also play a vital role in achieving
productivity growth as they affect the environment in which firms operate.
Policy is important for improving the efficiency of resource use in the economy
as it can support well-functioning markets, remove distortions and enhance
flexibility, responsiveness and dynamism at the level of the firm and the
individual.[2]
7.6
They went on to discuss how policy intervention can facilitate
productivity:
Policy can also promote an operating environment in which
workers and firms have the incentives and the capacity to continually adapt to
take advantage of opportunities, which in turn improves productivity.
Addressing market failures in the areas of infrastructure, innovation and human
capital also provides an important avenue for productivity gains.[3]
7.7
A 2009 OECD study on The Political Economy of Reform also noted
that maintaining strong macroeconomic policy allows governments to continue
reform agendas. The report commented:
One of the most robust findings to emerge from recent
econometric work on the political economy of structural reform is that sound
public finances tend to be associated with more reform.[4]
7.8
This is akin to the introduction of reforms which involve compensation
or inducement for economic benefits expected to be shared more broadly. An
example of this was the national competition payments paid by the Commonwealth
to the States in the 1990s in return for the States implementing the lion’s
share of National Competition Policy reforms. The payments were made in
recognition that the benefits were expected to accrue to the national economy.
7.9
The Manufacturing Alliance argued that in using public policy to
facilitate productivity growth, governments should, where possible, focus on
economy-wide drivers of productivity growth.[5]
7.10
In a similar vein, the Productivity Commission (PC), while discussing
taxation policy in evidence to the Committee, described the risks associated
with ‘picking winners’ based on current productivity levels in particular
sectors:
…it is terribly humbling to look back over the unpredictable
course of productivity movement and its surges. If we had been sitting here
back in the late eighties and we were wondering where productivity acceleration
was going to come from…we would not have guessed wholesale and retail trade…it
is just a reminder that neutrality is a tremendously important principle in tax
system design here and it is a word of caution about the sort of magic
ingredient approach to productivity growth.[6]
7.11
Australia has already implemented substantial microeconomic reforms;
however, there is still room to build on this platform. As Treasury notes, the PC
identified a number of issues in infrastructure markets that could benefit from
further reform in order to efficiently allocate resources and minimise waste:
Such measures include pricing and regulatory reforms that
encourage private sector participation, and the promotion of efficient outcomes
in public investment through the development of methodologies for making
efficient and transparent investment decisions.
The Productivity Commission (2006) has estimated that
improving productivity and efficiency in energy, transport, infrastructure and
other activities could, after a period of adjustment, increase GDP by nearly 2
per cent.[7]
Key productivity drivers and current policy frameworks
7.12
A number of areas were repeatedly identified in evidence to the inquiry
as being key future contributors to driving higher productivity growth. The
discussions elucidated are detailed below under the relevant key categories,
followed by a summary of the key policy initiatives being undertaken in these
areas.
7.13
The Manufacturing Alliance summarised the views expressed in many
submissions. It emphasised the importance of infrastructure, skills and
innovation as drivers of productivity, stating that:
A significant reform agenda around investments in infrastructure,
skills and innovation is also what is required for Australia to achieve a
significant acceleration in long-term productivity growth.[8]
Human capital investment
7.14
There is a growing interest in the role of human capital in increasing economic
efficiency and social wellbeing. COAG’s reform agenda includes a key focus on
building Australia’s human capital to promote productivity growth. Human
capital refers to the knowledge, skills, competencies and attributes acquired
by workers through education and experience which increases their value in the
marketplace.
7.15
The OECD has described human capital as ‘the fundamental building block
for growth strategies in the knowledge-based economy’[9]
and acknowledged that there is a broad consensus that human capital is a key
determinant of GDP per capita growth.
7.16
While Australia’s first two waves of reform were largely focused on
incentives and flexibility, the PC suggested that if Australia is looking to
make substantial increases in productivity, there is relatively more to be done
in the area of building capabilities in the human capital areas of health and
education.[10] The PC has estimated
that specifically targeted reforms in the areas of health and education which
improve workforce productivity could add 3 per cent to annual GDP.[11]
7.17
The PC has acknowledged that boosting human capital is essential, but
will not be without effort:
The stimulus of intensified competition and the gains of
flexible markets remain, but further productivity improvement is now in the
more difficult terrain of improving human capital and innovation.[12]
7.18
In a research report published by the OECD, Mr Roope Uusitalo stated
that:
…it is widely realized that an increasingly complex society
and rapid technical change requires a highly educated workforce, if the country
wishes to succeed in the international competition.[13]
7.19
He then noted that investing in human capital through education is a
productivity enhancing investment:
Education policy is directed to meet the skill needs of the modern
workplace and to improve the performance of the individuals in the labour
market. In fact, education is seen almost as a universal cure to some of the
most severe economic problems such as unemployment and poverty. Human capital
is also a regarded as key factor in generating higher productivity and economic
growth.[14]
7.20
Further, at the launch of the Education at a Glance 2009
indicators, the Secretary-General of the OECD argued that human capital
investment is a vital component of recovering from economic downturns. Benefits
accrue to both the individual and the wider economy through higher economic
growth.[15]
7.21
A paper by Forbes et al, The effects of education and health on wages
and productivity, released in March 2010, examined the impact of improved health
and education upon an individual’s earning capacity and productivity in the
workforce.[16]
7.22
The study’s methodology utilised hourly wages as an indicator of labour
productivity. It also noted that ‘intangible characteristics such as motivation
and work ethic’ had an impact on the productivity of an individual. The paper
acknowledged that this proxy for productivity would only work in ‘reasonably
competitive markets’ but that differences in wages provide a useful indicator
of health and education impacts on labour productivity.
7.23
Extensive modelling of the productivity outcomes from human capital
investment accruing to the wider Australian economy (for example GDP gains) has
not yet been undertaken.
Education
7.24
While Government has a role to play in developing human capital through
formal education and training, Treasury acknowledged that there are policy
challenges for government in ensuring Australia’s education and training system
is effective and responsive, with a focus on flexibility.[17]
7.25
The Department of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations (DEEWR)
stated that the development of skills and capabilities:
…is a process that begins at birth, and develops through
childhood into adulthood and throughout life. Skill accumulation occurs through
early childhood learning, schooling, higher education, vocational education and
training and work.[18]
7.26
The Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (ACCI) stated that
Australian industry needs a skilled, flexible and motivated workforce equipped
with the skills and knowledge required to meet the needs of employers.[19]
7.27
In the Intergenerational Report 2010, the
Australian Government highlighted a number of initiatives it has introduced to
support the development of human capital and increase labour force participation.
These included increasing incentives to work through personal income tax cuts,
increases in the Child Care Rebate and the introduction of Paid Parental Leave.
Reforms in the education, employment services and health sectors have also been
aimed at boosting workforce participation.[20]
7.28
The Government has acknowledged that in addition to maintaining policy
settings which promote human capital, targeted assistance may also be required
to assist those facing multiple, entrenched disadvantage.[21]
7.29
The PC noted that due to the current fiscal
environment Australia is facing, ‘spending a lot on education and health is
going to be trickier than it was before’.[22]
7.30
The committee queried representatives from DEEWR on whether there had
been a comprehensive study of the results from other countries prior to it
reaching the conclusion that investment in human capital was a key focus of
raising the rate of productivity growth. A representative from DEEWR stated:
My advice to the committee would be that we are incredibly
well served by the evidence here. It is much clearer than it was 15 years ago.
The neuroscience and the implications of the neuroscience for policy for young
children and the transitions into and early years of school are pretty much
beyond refute. That is not debated really. There is very solid research on
teacher quality and education as well.[23]
7.31
The Australian Institute of Mining and Metallurgy described the
education and training challenges in their sector:
Despite the short term decline in commodity prices, expectations
of skills needs to meet demand over the medium term continue to be high…With
significant numbers of skilled workers and professionals due to retire,
sustaining investment in meeting the future skills needs of the minerals sector
remains a priority.
Traditional sources of supply of labour such as South Africa,
Brazil, China and India are now facing their own growth challenges/labour
shortages, and can no longer necessarily be relied upon to ‘fill the gaps’ for
the Australian minerals sector. We need to plan adequately to meet our own
professional skills needs.[24]
7.32
In December 2008, the Australian Government released the Review of
Australian Higher Education, which was led by Professor Denise Bradley. The
recommendations of the review included national targets for degree attainment,
Commonwealth-subsidised places for qualified students, strengthened
accreditation processes for universities, and a national accountability
framework.[25]
7.33
In response to the review, the Government announced additional funding
for higher education and research of $5.4 billion over four years. This
includes establishing the Tertiary Education Quality and Standards Agency, a
package to improve participation amongst low socio-economic status students, and
a target of 40 per cent of 25 to 34 year-olds holding a bachelor degree or
higher by 2025. [26]
Health
7.34
Discussions on human capital investment tend to focus on education;
however the concept goes further than this. The OECD defines human capital as
…the knowledge, skills, competencies and attributes embodied
in individuals that facilitate the creation of personal, social and economic
well-being.[27]
7.35
Accordingly, human capital encapsulates the whole person. A person’s
health is a critical component in their wellbeing ¾personal, social, as well as their productivity.
7.36
Good health is a form of capital which can enable individuals to
increase their lifetime earnings.[28] More broadly, a
healthier population will be a better workforce, as more people can participate
at higher intensity. This has significant implications for the level of
productivity.
7.37
In addition, the impact of health upon productivity goes further than
merely curing illness; preventative health and improving the general wellbeing
of the population is important. The Australian Food and Grocery Council
discussed how it is working with governments to ensure that people eat well:
We are critically aware of the role of food in health,
particularly in the current preventive health debate. We have long been talking
about food and the food industry being a part of the solution to the health
challenge that the nation faces.
Notwithstanding that, we still have the dilemma that there is
a lot of evidence that many consumers are not eating in a manner which is
appropriate to their good health, so we are moving more closely and working
with government in a number of areas to specifically look at how the food
industry collectively rather than at an individual company level can make
changes to the food supply that make it even easier for consumers to select
healthy diets.[29]
7.38
In its submission, DEEWR discusses how giving people the best chance to
achieve positive health outcomes begins at birth:
Building resilience through the life-cycle needs to be at the
centre of Australia’s agenda for productivity over the upcoming decades. An
agenda around building resilience might start with giving every child the best
possible start in life through integrated health, development and care from
birth with later interventions in the middle years.[30]
7.39
The Australian Society for Medical Research submitted that improved
funding in the health and medical research (HMR) sector would provide a sound
return:
Historically, the productivity of the Australian HMR sector
has significantly enhanced the health and wellbeing of the nation, with a
direct impact on economic returns through decreased hospital stays, reduced
Medicare and PBS costs and a healthier, more productive workforce.[31]
7.40
A more productive health system will contribute to economic growth. The PC
noted that if all jurisdictions within Australia were to operate their health
systems at best practice, there is a potential one per cent improvement in GDP.[32]
7.41
The Australian Bureau of Statistics stated that the productivity
measurement of human capital tends to focus upon the education dimension rather
than the health dimension:
…possibly at some future point we could open that door a
little further and actually try to capture health outcomes as part of that as
well by using administrative and other data from the health system—though I do
not know how you would do it—to supplement the educational data. You could
perhaps incorporate that into productivity estimates in that simple way in the
longer term.[33]
Physical and spatial infrastructure investment
7.42
The PC noted the role that government plays in the provision of physical
capital infrastructure in Australia:
Largely because of their natural monopoly characteristics and
widespread community benefits, the majority of economic or 'network'
infrastructure assets in Australia – our roads, bridges, railways, ports and
airports, electricity generation and distribution networks, and
telecommunication networks - have traditionally been owned and operated by
governments.[34]
7.43
It went on to describe how in recent years the private sector has become
more involved in physical capital, and how the adequacy of investment requires
rigorous and ongoing analysis:
An assessment of the 'adequacy' of investment in public
infrastructure therefore requires consideration of government investment in
these industries, private sector investment, and the regulatory environment
that influences investment decisions.[35]
7.44
In 2008 the Australian Government established Infrastructure Australia
to:
…provide advice on nationally significant infrastructure and
urban systems which promote Australia’s productivity, with a particular focus
on the quality and efficiency of transport, water, energy and communication
infrastructure and the development and liveability of major cities across
Australia.[36]
7.45
Major infrastructure challenges identified by Infrastructure Australia
include developing more effective ports and associated land transport systems,
developing a National Freight Network and improving transport within major
cities.[37]
7.46
Current infrastructure initiatives are outlined below under relevant
headings.
Ports
7.47
DIISR noted the land side supply-chain issues concerning Australia’s
five main container ports:
For businesses that export and import through these ports,
efficient port services and associated supply chains are crucial to their
international competitiveness. DIISR undertook some initial consultations with
stakeholders about the opportunities and challenges in providing efficient sea freight
supply chains to support business competitiveness now and in the future. This
confirmed that there are concerns about inefficiencies in the land-side freight
supply chains, which it is estimated impose millions of dollars per year of unnecessary
costs on businesses.[38]
7.48
To address this concern:
DIISR recently commissioned two pilot studies to obtain data
about inefficiencies in the land-side supply chain corridors for two of
Australia's major container ports, Sydney and Melbourne. DIISR is investigating
whether there is a need for the further work in this area.[39]
7.49
ACCI also noted the infrastructure bottlenecks which occur at Australian
ports.[40]
7.50
Infrastructure Australia is also developing a National Ports Strategy
and National Freight Strategy, to be provided to COAG in 2010. These will
outline the Government’s plan to deliver efficient ports and transport links,
enhancing productivity and export capacity.[41]
Land transport
7.51
In its submission, ACCI noted the importance of an efficient and cost
effective freight network to Australian businesses and households. This network
would be best delivered through both road and rail, to create:
…an Australian freight transport system that encourages an efficient
mix of transport modes and provides a seamless movement of freight along the
entire logistics chain.[42]
7.52
To address this need, the Government is investing almost $36 billion on
land transport infrastructure over the next six years as part of its Nation
Building Program,[43] investments which will
help ease the congestion issues noted in Chapter 5.[44]
7.53
Key road investments as part of the Nation Building Program include the
Ballina and Tarcutta Bypasses and upgrade of the Great Western Highway in New
South Wales; the Pacific and Ipswitch Motorways and Bruce Highway in
Queensland; and the Western Ring Road upgrade in Victoria.[45]
7.54
Regarding rail, Dr Philip Laird submitted that:
…rail productivity needs to improve in Australia and this
will require effort on many fronts. This will include…the upgrading of
infrastructure.[46]
7.55
In a supplementary submission, the Australian Rail, Tram and Bus Union
argued that rail infrastructure has been neglected by governments and private
operators:
Rail infrastructure, with few exceptions, has suffered from
years of underinvestment. This lack of investment has effectively ‘come home to
roost’ in recent years, including a number of privatised rail networks
reverting to government ownership after a lack of investment by their private
sector operators (whether foreign or Australian owned).[47]
7.56
Key rail investments as part of the Nation Building Plan include works
between Sydney and Newcastle; upgrades between Melbourne and Adelaide; a dual
track link between West Werribee and Southern Cross in Melbourne;[48]
and funding for the planning, development and construction of nine metropolitan
public transport projects across Australia.[49]
7.57
Dr Laird noted that despite a 1945 study recommending that Victoria and
South Australia convert their railways to standard gauge, this has not yet occurred
throughout both states. The existence of different gauges between states is a
major impediment to railway productivity.[50]
City planning
7.58
Rapid urban growth in Australia’s major cities places pressure on city
planning. The Australian Government, through COAG, has announced long term
reform to the planning of cities, to enhance productivity and sustainability. This
will link infrastructure funding to national criteria.
7.59
The Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development and
Local Government described the benefits which will flow from a national
approach to city planning:
National criteria for capital city planning systems will
ensure cities have strong, transparent and long term plans in place to manage
population and economic growth; plans which will address climate change,
improve housing affordability and tackle urban congestion.[51]
7.60
Considerations in strategic city planning include:
…construction and upgrade of national significant
infrastructure, such as transport corridors, intermodal connections and
communications and utilities networks. To encourage investment of private
capital in these projects, an effective framework for private sector investment
and innovation in urban infrastructure must be provided, thus also easing
fiscal constraints on all levels of government.[52]
7.61
COAG agreed that all states will have plans which meet the national
criteria[53] in place by 2012, to be
independently reviewed by the COAG Reform Council.[54]
Communications and the digital economy
7.62
The digital economy can be defined as:
…a global network of economic and social activities that are
enabled by information and communications technologies, such as the internet,
mobile phones, sensor networks et cetera.[55]
7.63
The Department of Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy (DBCDE)
stated that a focus on the digital economy is critical to Australia’s future
productivity:
The position we have put is that the digital economy is the
key to Australia’s future economic prosperity and wellbeing and the task of
transforming Australia’s economy and society into a successful digital economy
is a significant one that requires long-term focus.[56]
7.64
DIISR note that improved telecommunications infrastructure provides a
springboard for innovation :
The availability of an advanced telecommunications
infrastructure enables innovations such as flexible manufacturing systems, just‑in–time
management systems, distributed data networks, advanced services, improved
intra- and inter-corporate information flows, greater access to customers and
faster flows of information inputs to innovation.[57]
7.65
With ICT considered essential to enable productivity growth, DBCDE
stated that:
…when you start looking at ICT use then there are questions
about both the infrastructure availability and the capacity of it. In the
Australian context the national broadband network is the next stage of
investment in the next level of capacity of our communications infrastructure,
which will then provide a platform for a whole lot of innovation and new
services and applications to emerge.[58]
7.66
The National Broadband Network (NBN) was announced on 7 April 2009, and
involves investment of up to $43 billion over eight years to provide 90 per
cent ‘fibre to the premises’ coverage, delivering speeds of 100 megabits per
second. Remaining coverage will be through wireless and satellite services. The
Government established NBN Co Ltd to roll out the network simultaneously in
metropolitan, regional and rural areas.[59]
7.67
The Tasmanian Government Department of Treasury and Finance noted that
the NBN would:
…lead Tasmania to a higher productivity growth path. It will
provide optic fibre to over 200 000 homes and businesses across Tasmania over
the next five years, and transform electronic communication and access to
information in the State.[60]
7.68
The NBN addresses concerns that current ICT infrastructure is
insufficient to satisfy demand for affordable broadband in metropolitan and non
metropolitan areas.[61]
7.69
While the fixed line services provided by the NBN will assist firm
productivity, DBCDE commented that a combination of high-speed fixed line and
wireless services is important for a mobile workforce.[62]
7.70
Radio spectrum is a finite resource which is required to operate
wireless communication services. The Australian Mobile Telecommunications Association
(AMTA) described the infrastructure challenges facing the wireless broadband
and telecommunications industry:
To put it simply, spectrum is what carries mobile signal. The
more activity on spectrum; the more congestion. We are, in another feature of
this digital world, seeing a huge increase in appetite for vision, not just
voice. People want to see things as well as hear them. That has got a capacity
impact on networks. Bandwidth hungry applications are common. This all
means essentially that we are anticipating constraints on our infrastructure,
and that is our level of spectrum access.[63]
7.71
Dr George Barker argued that access to spectrum is an area where the
government could make a significant impact upon productivity growth:
…the way in which the incentives are created for people to
trade in spectrum rights is very important. Spectrum rights get allocated to
the parties that value them the most. At the moment, even with the parts of the
spectrum that are in the marketplace, some of them are locked up in specific
uses and are not tradeable. The ability to use spectrum more intensively is
growing… I think that spectrum reform is certainly an area in the ICT sector
where you could see considerable contribution is to growth at low cost.[64]
7.72
With the switch from analogue to digital-only television transmission
due to be completed by 2013, radiofrequency spectrum will be freed up. The
Government released a Digital Dividend Green Paper in January 2010, seeking
comments on potential uses for the 126MHz of UHF spectrum which will become
available.[65]
7.73
The AMTA submitted that a significant portion of this spectrum should be
allocated to the mobile telecommunications industry, arguing that this is the
highest value use for the spectrum, and:
…any alternate use would not generate the same economic and
social benefits to the community.[66]
7.74
In addition, the 2.5 GHz band of spectrum is being considered for
reallocation. This spectrum is currently used primarily by free-to-air TV
broadcasters for electronic news gathering. As this spectrum has been
identified internationally as being suitable for wireless internet services, the
Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA) is currently identifying
other spectrum which might be suitable for electronic news gathering. A
discussion paper on this issue was released by ACMA in January 2010.[67]
Innovation and R&D
7.75
Public support for R&D comes in two forms. First, publicly funded
R&D in universities and government research agencies, and second, the
R&D Tax Concession.
7.76
The R&D Tax Concession commenced in 1985, and is the largest single
innovation expenditure by government – over $500 million per annum. It provides
an increased deduction (150 per cent in the period
1985–96, 125 per cent thereafter) to be claimed on the volume of R&D
expenditure, and this then reduces tax payable with tax loss firms entitled to
carry the additional deduction forward.[68]
7.77
Trend analysis suggests a strong correlation between business
expenditure on research and the R&D Tax Concession. However, it has been
argued that other factors such as the internationalisation of the Australian
economy are also responsible for increased R&D spending by firms.[69]
7.78
In the 2009-10 Budget, the government announced a simplified R&D Tax
Credit to replace the Tax Concession.
7.79
DIISR noted three aspects of government support for innovation capacity:
research in the public sector can support productivity through enhancing
innovation; there are spill over benefits from government support; and improved
management in firms can increase productivity.[70]
7.80
The PC noted the distinction between R&D with a direct commercial
aim and R&D as a public good:
While the Commission has found little evidence to support
fears of underinvestment in research with direct commercial applications, there
are potential benefits from public support for more basic or strategic
research, where the returns can be difficult for an organisation to adequately
appropriate.[71]
7.81
The Manufacturing Alliance argued that public investment in innovation has
been neglected, and contributed to the productivity slowdown:
At the end of the day (like the case of infrastructure
investment), sub optimal investments in the nation’s innovation system, a lack of attention to successful
strategies for the diffusion and take up of advanced technologies such as ICT,
and lack of attention to the role of public policy in encouraging innovation at
the firm level all played some part in the slowing of economy wide productivity
growth.[72]
7.82
In addition, the Australasian Institute of Mining and Metallurgy argued
that future capacity within its industry depends on relatively speculative
R&D work being conducted. Accordingly, it advocated strengthening the
R&D Tax Concession.[73]
7.83
The 2008 Review of the National Innovation System, Venturous
Australia, led by Dr Terry Cutler, called for an increase in public funding
levels for research in universities and government research agencies,
transformation and rationalisation of the R&D Tax Concession and management
assistance for innovative firms.[74]
7.84
Powering Ideas: An Innovation Agenda for the 21st Century
was prepared in response to the Cutler Review, and outlines the Government’s
innovation agenda. Initiatives designed to enhance innovation capacity
includes: grant and tax incentives to overcome market failures that discourage
innovation, support for industries undergoing structural change; funding of
vital research that would not be done by the private sector; and supporting the
identification and implementation of innovative changes in business.[75]
7.85
The 2009-10 budget provided $8.58 billion for science and innovation, an
increase of 25 per cent on the previous budget.[76]
7.86
The PC noted the benefits that government assistance can provide in
supporting R&D, particularly for more basic or strategic research where
results of the R&D are shared across the sector. However, it stressed the
importance of policy design:
But, again, careful design and evaluation are needed to
ensure that support measures actually give rise to additional R&D activity,
such that the benefits to society exceed the costs (PC 2007a). It seems
unlikely that the extension of tax concessions will induce sufficient
additional R&D to warrant the revenue forgone, and the costs of raising it
elsewhere.[77]
7.87
The Treasury agreed that government support measures should be carefully
developed:
On the other hand, increased funding or tax concessions for
specific R&D will not necessarily have a significant impact on productivity
(PC 2007). Specific R&D will only increase productivity up to the point at
which the cost of encouraging additional innovation exceeds the benefits to the
economy of that innovation.[78]
Workplace capacity
7.88
At a public hearing, Professor Roy Green discussed how there is a strong
link between management capability and the productivity of firms. His research
has found that Australian management is not best practice, especially in
smaller firms.[79]
7.89
Professor Green went on to discuss various programs that have been run
by government in the past to improve what he terms workplace development, which
involves improving the performance of whole organisations. He called for more
investment in this area:
Certainly we know from experience overseas that this is one
of the most cost-effective ways of improving the productivity performance of
organisations to invest in workplace development, including innovation
capability. The kinds of programs that do this are those that connect companies
to services that can make improvements to their capacity as well as to the
general level of workplace and management skill.[80]
7.90
To improve capability in small to medium enterprises to operate at best
practice, the Enterprise Connect program provides business reviews addressing
technology and management. This program, focused on firms with turnover of $2
million to $100 million, identifies areas which would enable these firms to
improve their productivity, and assists them to implement changes in those
areas.[81]
Regulatory reform, harmonisation and reducing red-tape
7.91
Excessive and inappropriate regulation places time and cost burdens in
business, reducing their ability to be adaptable, responsive and innovative.[82]
The PC in 2006 estimated that the compliance costs of regulation in Australia
could be as high as 4 per cent of GDP.[83]
7.92
The productivity benefits of an improvement in regulatory quality were
described by Mr Banks of the PC:
It is very clear that there is a big payoff to productivity
from reducing the drag on enterprise performance. It has two sides to it. One
is just the deadweight cost of the paperwork and secondly is the inhibition of
innovation and flexibility, particularly for small enterprises where you are
often tying up the decision maker in doing red tape kind of work.[84]
7.93
The Government’s Better Regulation Agenda encompasses regulatory reforms
at the Commonwealth level, and a National Partnership Agreement through COAG at
the inter-jurisdictional level. This is a component of the third wave of
reforms, continuing microeconomic reforms which have taken place since the
1980s.
Commonwealth level regulatory reform
7.94
The Department of Finance and Deregulation aims to reduce the level of
poorly designed and unnecessary regulation. It assists government agencies and
departments to comply with Regulatory Impact Analysis requirements, and
provides policy advice on ways to reduce the costs of regulation.[85]
7.95
The Minister for Finance and Deregulation is using Better Regulation
Ministerial Partnerships with portfolio ministers to progress enhancements to
substantive areas of Commonwealth regulation. Partnerships include the Health
Technology Assessment Review, to improve regulation around assessment processes
for medical technology; and improving Product Disclosure Statements for
financial services, to present information in an uncomplicated manner without
compromising investor protection.[86]
7.96
As announced in the February 2009 Updated Economic and Fiscal Outlook,
the Government is undertaking a review of pre-2008 Commonwealth subordinate
legislation and other regulation, to document those regulations which impose
net costs on business and identify scope to improve regulatory efficiency.[87]
National Partnership Agreement to Deliver a Seamless National Economy
7.97
Inconsistency and duplication of regulation across the federation is an
impediment to productivity growth. Mr Banks of the PC elaborated on this
point:
Another point we have made is that there is still some scope
to reduce some of the red-tape burdens and regulatory inflexibilities….A
federation has benefits but it also has costs. One of the costs is where you
get regulation that passes its use-by date because it was designed for a
particular jurisdiction when we now need national regulation in a global
economy.[88]
7.98
In a 2005 position paper, ACCI described the problem of inconsistent
regulation:
Increasing mobility and flow of Australian businesses and
workers has raised concerns about separate, overlapping and conflicting
regulation between state jurisdictions. This ad hoc regime increases the costs
of complying with regulation without any associated increase or change in
economic activity.[89]
7.99
To progress reforms in areas of Commonwealth and state responsibility,
in 2007 COAG agreed to a National Partnership Agreement to Deliver a Seamless
National Economy (NPA). This encompasses 27 areas of regulatory reform known as
deregulation priorities, 8 areas of competition reform, and improving processes
for regulation making and review.[90]
7.100
Regulatory reform includes harmonising regulation across the Commonwealth,
states and territories through coordinated national approaches, and national
regulatory schemes administered by the Commonwealth. This will deliver more
consistent regulation across jurisdictions and reduce compliance costs to
business.
7.101
Of these reforms, the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet
(PM&C) stated that occupational health and safety (OH&S) stands out for
its importance to productivity:
Certainly the OH&S was one of the key ones. There was a
lot of priority put on to OH&S…if you talk to firms – there is a lot of
engagement, a lot of liaison with business in Australia – one thing that they
will talk about is how important it is to them to have consistency in the
application of their workplace safety across jurisdictions.[91]
7.102
Mr Banks of the PC agreed that OH&S represents a crucial reform:
…I have in the past described OH&S as a bit of a litmus
test for our capacity as a nation to come up with regulatory reforms that will
help build the national economy.[92]
7.103
Progress on the agenda is monitored by the COAG Reform Council (CRC). The
NPA includes provision for ‘facilitation’ and ‘reward’ payments of up to $550
million to the states and territories, to be paid by the Commonwealth following
advice from the CRC as to the achievement of key milestones.[93]
7.104
The PC saw regulatory reform as a leading area to maintain an economic
environment conducive to private sector investment, in order to boost
productivity growth in a fiscally constrained environment:
Notably, governments’ initiatives to boost productivity
growth will need to be attentive to fiscal resource costs; initiatives with low
fiscal cost, such as regulatory reforms, would seem particularly attractive in
an era of fiscal consolidation.[94]
Continuing competition frameworks
7.105
Third-party access regimes enable efficient use of essential
infrastructure by preventing monopoly providers from overcharging. This
provides for greater competition than would otherwise be the case. Competition
policy reforms over the past two decades are examined in Chapter 3.
7.106
DIISR noted the potential productivity benefits of expanding third-party
access regimes.
While NCP reforms are now largely complete, DIISR’s research
indicates that there remain opportunities in infrastructure services where
productivity improvements can be attained.[95]
7.107
However, the PC suggested that the Government should exercise caution in
this area:
There is obviously a trade off between making it too easy for
a third-party to access a facility that another investor has outlaid a lot on
and ensuring that whoever has invested in that is not exploiting that monopoly
position. Getting that balance right is quite hard….In broad terms the test
should be that there would be a clear improvement in efficiency or welfare
through that access rather than just a potential improvement in competition at
the margin.[96]
7.108
It went on to outline the risk of overzealous competition policy:
…we have to keep vigilant that what is ostensibly a pro‑competitive
or pro-competition set of regulations does not inadvertently actually
compromise investment and innovation.[97]
Maintaining flexibility in workplaces
7.109
With the domestic and international economy constantly changing, flexibility
in workplace arrangements enables employers to react quickly to changing
demands. Inflexible arrangements have a detrimental impact on firm
productivity.[98]
7.110
The PC outlined the importance of such flexibility to productivity:
…it is important to preserve the ability of organisations to
engage effectively with employees to change work arrangements in response to
commercial imperatives. As the economy changes, different firms and industries
will come under divergent pressures in a way not amenable to enforcement of
common employment conditions.[99]
7.111
In a speech in Melbourne on 5 November 2009, the Chairman of the PC said:
…legitimate concerns for workers’ rights need to be balanced
against the flexibility that firms need to implement the organisational changes
and other innovations on which productivity growth ultimately depends.[100]
7.112
At a public hearing of the House Economics Committee in February 2010,
the Governor of the RBA, Mr Glenn Stevens, noted that the flexibility in
workplace arrangements limited the rise in unemployment in Australia during the
Global Financial Crisis. When asked to comment on the impact of the Fair Work
Australia laws on unemployment, Mr Stevens said:
…of course the new arrangements are just coming in. So the
test is whether the flexibility is retained. I am not saying it will not be. I
cannot judge, but the question being asked is whether that is a potential risk.
As I say, it is important to retain flexibility and it is very important that
all the parties involved do that.[101]
The importance of careful policy selection
7.113
The Secretary to the Treasury, in a recent speech on the role of fiscal
policy, discussed the dilemmas in measuring the productivity outcomes in public
sector services, such as health (this will be discussed further in Chapter 8).
He noted the difficulty in measuring quality and quantity of these services,
but went on to say:
Even if we could solve these dilemmas we would still be left
with a third: the difficulty in identifying the impact of changes in government
expenditures on outcomes that are also heavily influenced by individual
decisions and behaviours.[102]
7.114
This point highlights the difficulty in estimating productivity returns
from investment in certain public policies. It also shows the difficulty in
influencing behaviour at the firm-level. However, Dr Henry stressed that
despite the ‘lack of evidence of a clear relationship between increased
expenditure and better outcomes it is not to say that more expenditure will not
improve outcomes’. The caveat he noted was that:
It is also clear that good program design and delivery are
important for getting value for the public’s money.[103]
7.115
Similarly, the South Australian Government’s submission stressed the
importance of careful examination of policy areas purported to bring
productivity growth:
In prioritising future initiatives it is important that
Governments are well informed about the benefits likely to be obtained from
each activity or investment to achieve the highest payoff to Australia’s
productivity and living standards.[104]
7.116
Mr Banks of the PC emphasised the fact that public investment in raising
productivity growth requires a long term agenda and thus the public’s support:
Let us face it, some of these human capital investments could
take 20 years to pay off, so it is a long-term investment. Investments in
education for young people and so on—improving the quality of teaching, for
example, which is something we highlight—are really going to be very important
for the longer term. The challenge for public policy is things with really
long-term payoffs, in a sense, are politically more difficult because any
change will involve some short-term disruption et cetera. If the payoffs are a
decade hence—things are a little bit out of kilter.[105]
7.117
Public policy investments to boost productivity growth are targeted at reaping
longer-term returns. Thus there is a significant opportunity cost of investing
more intensively in a given area than in another. It therefore follows that
where there is a heavy emphasis on public investment in certain policy areas that
it is prudent to model the expected outcomes.
7.118
PM&C noted that the current PC estimates on the potential returns
from COAG’s human capital agenda could be strengthened by modelling analysis:
In that report, the Productivity Commission, as I recall it,
was much more confident about the estimates it was making on microeconomic
reform compared with the human capital agenda, because it was the first time it
had really gone there. I presume in the work that COAG has asked it to do in
the future it will refine a lot of the work, particularly on the human capital
side, and as it gets more familiar with the initiatives that governments are
taking will be better able to model that and come to some sort of conclusion about
the impact.[106]
7.119
As discussed in Chapter 4, Australia can learn from the successful
policy platforms introduced in other developed countries to drive productivity
in relevant areas of the Australian context. In particular it can learn from
analysis of ‘cause and effect’ of public policy on productivity outcomes. It is,
however, important to remember that Australia faces unique challenges for
long-term productivity growth and operates in a distinct economic, geographic,
political and cultural environment distinct from other nations.
7.120
It is critical that policy-makers ensure that the desired outcome from
investment in productivity growth enhancing measures is not higher productivity
growth per se, but the wellbeing of Australians. As the PC stated in evidence:
Serious policy errors can arise if we lose sight of the
ultimate objective of raising living standards.[107]
Committee conclusions
7.121
The committee believes that public policy to boost the aggregate
productivity growth rate should be primarily directed at maintaining
competition in the economy and allowing firms flexibility in their workplace
arrangements. Additionally, all levels of Australian government should continue
to pursue reductions in red-tape, regulatory burdens on business and to
strengthen regulatory consistency.
7.122
Complementing these policies which improve the macroeconomic and
microeconomic environment that firms operate in, the Australian government’s
role in supporting productivity growth should be through assisting to
strengthen firm capabilities. This can be achieved indirectly by investing in
areas which improve Australia’s aggregate capabilities.
7.123
Australia’s aggregate capabilities include its human capital stock, which
can be improved by investing in a better educated, creative, skilled and
healthy workforce. The other key area is enabling firms to utilise evolving
technology by ensuring there is appropriate infrastructure for these new
platforms; for example providing reliable and sufficient access to radio‑spectrum
for fourth generation wireless applications. Once firms have appropriate and
reliable access to new technology there is a higher likelihood that innovation
in production processes will flow from this. The committee believes innovation
within firms is a key driver of aggregate productivity growth.
7.124
The committee notes that significant investment in information
technology and communications, infrastructure and R&D will contribute to
future productivity growth. The committee also recognises that measures to
increase workforce participation are also essential for future economic growth.
7.125
The committee also notes that improving firms’ management and
organisational capabilities is important, especially in Australia, where small
scale firms and family owned businesses predominate. Federal and state governments
can support this capability in firms by ensuring appropriate education of the future
workforce and by government support agencies interacting with the business
community to provide networking opportunities and life-long learning.
7.126
Improving Australia’s productivity growth rate is a broad nationwide
challenge which should involve all levels of government. The committee
therefore believes a summit represented by all levels of Australian government,
together with relevant business, union and non-government organisation
representation, be convened by the federal government to discuss and lead the
establishment of a specific and integrated productivity growth agenda.
Recommendation 3 |
7.127
|
That at the commencement of the 43rd parliament
the federal government convenes a national forum represented by all levels of
government, business, unions and non-government organisations to discuss the
key ingredients of a national productivity growth agenda.
|
7.128
The committee supports the development of a specific national productivity
agenda to be agreed by COAG which incorporates aspects of the current COAG
reform agenda but which extends upon this. The committee believes this would
bring national prominence to productivity growth as the major determinant of
strong economic growth in the long‑term.
Recommendation 4 |
7.129
|
That COAG adopts a specific national productivity agenda.
This agenda should be guided by the outcomes of the national forum outlined
in Recommendation 3.
|
7.130
The need for fiscal discipline provides a challenge in itself, as
investment in climate change mitigation and providing for an ageing and growing
population cannot be ignored. This means that public policy to boost aggregate
productivity must be carefully considered, especially given it is extremely
difficult to estimate the impact that policies will have on productivity with
any accuracy. There is also little international research on cause and effect
from public policy designed to boost productivity growth rates. This is partly
because the productivity impact of policy depends on how it affects the
behaviour of firms and individuals—and this can take time.
7.131
The committee therefore believes investment in an ambitious long-term human
capital agenda is not only important to boost Australia’s capabilities but that
it will automatically feed into the inputs of all firms in all sectors with no
overt decisions on their part. This workforce improvement will also feed into
government service provision, which ultimately contributes to the inputs of
firms in the economy.
7.132
The committee recognises that prioritising a long-term broad human
capital agenda over other public policy investments has opportunity costs. This
is exacerbated by the fact that the benefits of this agenda will only be
realised in the medium to long-term.
7.133
The committee recognises the recent paper by Forbes et al on the Effects
of education and health on wages and productivity provides analysis on the
productivity of individuals in the workforce. However modelling of the impact
of human capital investment on aggregate productivity in the Australian economy
has not yet been undertaken.
7.134
The committee agrees that estimates undertaken during the PC’s analysis
of the Potential benefits of the National Reform Agenda could be
strengthened by a research report which contains modelling, rather than
estimates, of the return on investment in human capital in terms of aggregate
productivity and ultimately GDP improvements.
7.135
The committee therefore believes more accurate modelling of potential human
capital investments, and likely returns, should be undertaken to ensure
Australia’s investment in its aggregate capabilities is optimised.
Recommendation 5 |
7.136
|
That in the next eighteen months the Productivity Commission
undertakes modelling on various aspects of human capital investment on
productivity outcomes in the Australian economy and the likely time-line for
returns.
|