This Bills Digest replaces a preliminary Bills Digest published on 21 November 2023
to assist in early consideration of the Bill.
Key points
- Tax Agent Services Act 2009 (TAS Act) and the Tax Administration Act 1953 (TAA) to expand tax promoter penalty laws with the aim of ensuring that promoters of tax exploitation schemes face significant consequences for their actions.
- TAA to extend existing tax protections to whistleblowers who disclose information to the Tax Practitioners Board.
- TAS Act to allow the Tax Practitioners Board to publish details of its investigations and decisions and extend the timeframe for investigations.
- TAA and TAS Act to remove limitations on information sharing that were a barrier to regulators acting in response to PwC’s breach of confidence.
- Petroleum Resource Rent Tax Assessment Act 1987 (PRRT Act) to limit the proportion of petroleum resource rent tax assessable income that can be offset by deductions to 90 percent of assessable receipts.
- The Bill has been referred to the Senate Economics Legislation Committee with a reporting date of 18 April 2024.
- Schedules 1 to 4 appear broadly uncontroversial. However, the unrelated amendments to the PRRT Act in Schedule 5 have been severely criticised by non-government parties and Independents in debate of the Bill in the House of Representatives. Calls have been made to split Schedule 5 from the Bill and consider it separately.
Introductory Info
Date introduced: 16 November 2023
House: House of Representatives
Portfolio: Treasury
Commencement: Schedules 1 to 3 commence on the later of (a) 1 July 2024; and (b) the first 1 January, 1 April, 1 July or 1 October to occur after Royal Assent. Schedule 4 commences on the day after Royal Assent. Schedule 5 commences on the first 1 January, 1 April, 1 July or 1 October to occur after Royal Assent.
Purpose of
the Bill
The purpose of the Treasury
Laws Amendment (Tax Accountability and Fairness) Bill 2023 (the Bill) is to
amend Commonwealth legislation including the Tax Agent
Services Act 2009 (TAS Act), Taxation
Administration Act 1953 (TAA 1953) and the Petroleum
Resource Rent Tax Assessment Act 1987 (PRRT Act).
Structure
of the Bills Digest
As the matters covered by each of the Schedules are
independent of each other, the relevant background, stakeholder comments (where
available) and analysis of the provisions are set out under the relevant
Schedule number. Further, references in this Digest to:
- provisions
of an Act being amended by the Bill are referred to as sections and subsections
and
- provisions
in a Schedule of an Act being amended by the Bill are referred to as clauses
and subclauses.
Committee
consideration
Senate
Economics Legislation Committee
At the time of writing this Digest, the Senate
Selection of Bills Committee considered, but was unable
to reach agreement about the Bill. However, amendments to the Report were
adopted by the Senate resulting in the Bill being referred to the Senate
Economics Legislation Committee with a reporting date of 18 April 2024.[1]
Senate
Standing Committee for the Scrutiny of Bills
The Senate Standing Committee for the Scrutiny of Bills
had no
comment on the Bill (p. 32).
Position of
major interest groups
At the time of writing, 15 submissions to the Senate
Economics Legislation Committee inquiry into the Bill were publicly
available. The positions of major interest groups in regard to the Bill
examined elsewhere in this Digest are based on submissions to the Treasury
consultations on the Exposure Drafts of the relevant Schedule, where the
provisions are identical or substantially the same.
Statement
of Compatibility with Human Rights
As required under Part 3 of the Human Rights
(Parliamentary Scrutiny) Act 2011 (Cth), the Government has assessed
the Bill’s compatibility with the human rights and freedoms recognised or
declared in the international instruments listed in section 3 of that Act. The
Government considers that the Bill is compatible.[2]
Parliamentary
Joint Committee on Human Rights
The Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights had no
comment on the Bill (p. 5).
Schedules 1
to 4: PwC ‘response’ measures
Both the titles of Schedules 1 to 4 of the Bill and the
Government’s explanatory materials frame the proposed amendments in those
Schedules as responses to the PwC
tax leaks scandal. However, as detailed in this Digest, most of the
measures contained in those schedules were either recommended or proposed
before the details of the PwC scandal became known. That being the case, whilst
the PwC scandal may be the catalyst for introducing the reforms at this time,
it does not appear to have been the genesis of many of them.
Financial
implications of Schedules 1 to 4
The table below sets out the estimated financial impact of
the measures in Schedules 1 to 4 on the Commonwealth.
Table 1: Financial implications of Schedules 1 to 4
Schedule |
Financial implications |
1 |
‘unquantifiable but positive’ and ‘expected to first occur
in 2024–25’. |
2 |
Nil financial impact on the Commonwealth. |
3 |
Nil financial impact on the Commonwealth. |
4 |
Nil financial impact on the Commonwealth. |
Source: Explanatory Memorandum, Treasury Laws
Amendment (Tax Accountability and Fairness Bill 2023), 1–4.
Compliance
cost impact of Schedules 1 to 4
The Explanatory Memorandum notes that the amendments in Schedules
1 to 4 of the Bill are not anticipated to result in any compliance cost
impacts.[3]
Policy
position of non-government parties/independents on Schedules 1 to 4
The Opposition sought to amend the
Bill to delete Schedule 5, which deals with proposed changes to the Petroleum Resource
Rent Tax (PRRT).[4]
The Australian
Greens and Independent Member Dr
Helen Haines, whilst both appearing to support the measures in Schedules 1
to 4 in principle, sought to have the House of Representatives consider the
provisions of Schedules 1 to 4 of the Bill separately from those in Schedule 5
because they deal with unrelated matters.
Independent Member Zali
Steggall welcomed the reforms in Schedules 1 to 4 and indicated her support
for them. However, she opposed the Bill on the basis that Schedule 5 of the
Bill is ‘an absolute disgrace’ because it ‘sneaks in reform on a very different
issue’ from that dealt with by Schedules 1 to 4, whilst also indicating concern
about ‘omnibus bills’ that combine ‘complex, disparate policy issues’.
Independent Member Dr
Monique Ryan, expressing support in principle for the measures in Schedules
1 to 4, noted her concern about the consultation process for those reforms,
and, in particular, the inclusion of Schedule 5, and indicated she would not
support the Bill as a result.
Independent Member Zoe
Daniel appeared to indicate support for some of the measures in Schedules 1
to 4 of the Bill, but expressed concern about the Bill combining ‘complex,
disparate policy issues’, the lack of ‘broader protections for whistleblowers’
and stated that due to the inclusion of Schedule 5 of the Bill, she would not
support the Bill as a whole.
Independent Member Allegra
Spender expressed support for the measures in Schedules 1 to 4, but
expressed concern that due to the inclusion of Schedule 5, the Bill ‘deals with
two very important issues’ that are ‘completely unrelated’. Independent Member Kylea
Tink likewise indicated support for the measures in Schedules 1 to 4, and
concerns about the Bill combining those measures with Schedule 5, as did
Independent Member Kate
Chaney.
The Australian Greens Leader Adam
Bandt argued in relation to Schedule 2 (about extending tax whistleblower
protections) that ‘this Bill doesn’t do enough to protect the whistleblowers’.
At the time of writing this Bills Digest the position of
other non-government parties and independents on the precise measures contained
in Schedules 1 to 4 of the Bill could not be determined.
Schedule 1:
Promoter penalty law reform
Background to Schedule 1
The tax promoter penalty laws[5]
target promoters of tax avoidance and evasion
schemes, rather than participants of such schemes.[6]
The laws were introduced in 2006 as a response to mass‑marketed tax
avoidance and evasion schemes prevalent in the 1990s.[7]
The Explanatory Memorandum notes that over time, tax promoter activity has
evolved and tax exploitation schemes ‘have become more bespoke and complex,
often operating across jurisdictional boundaries’.[8]
Previous proposals to reform the tax promoter penalty
regime
Since its commencement in 2006, and prior to the PwC
scandal, various reforms to the tax promoter penalty laws have been proposed including
extension to specifically apply to schemes that exploit certain corporate forms,
seek to avoid payment of a tax liabilities during business collapses and better
capture the ‘controlling minds’ behind schemes, including accountants and
lawyers.[9]
Most recently, in June 2019 the Australian Labor Party
(ALP), in its policy ‘Labor's
plan for making multinationals pay their fair share’, advocated for
increasing the penalties for breaches of the tax promoter regime. The
amendments in Schedule 1 to the Bill reflect this policy.
Consultation
The Treasury conducted a consultation process regarding reform of promoter
penalty laws, including Exposure Draft legislation, in September 2023. Ten submissions
to the consultation process have been published.
Key issues
and provisions arising from Schedule 1
Currently, under the tax promoter penalty laws an entity
may be subject to a civil penalty (fine), injunction or enforceable undertaking
if:
- it,
or another entity, is a promoter of a tax exploitation
scheme, or
- it
implements a scheme that has been promoted on the basis of conformity with a product
ruling in a way that is materially different from the way it is
described in the ruling.[10]
The Bill expands the application of the tax promoter
penalty laws by broadening the meanings of both promoter and tax
exploitation scheme as discussed below.
Who is a promoter?
Currently, an entity (which includes an
individual, a company, a partnership, an unincorporated association, a trust or
a superannuation fund[11])
is a promoter of a tax exploitation scheme if:
- it
markets a scheme or otherwise encourages the growth of a scheme or interest in
it
- the
entity or an ‘associate’ receives (directly or indirectly) consideration
in respect of marketing or encouraging the scheme, and
- it
is reasonable to conclude that the promoter has had a substantial role in
respect of marketing or encouraging the scheme.[12]
The Bill amends the definition of promoter in
paragraph 290‑60(1)(b)
in Schedule 1 to the TAA 1953 to replace the term ‘consideration’ with ‘benefit’.[13]
The Explanatory Memorandum notes that the use of the word ‘consideration’:
has restricted the Commissioner’s ability to effectively
apply the promoter penalty laws in some cases due to the practical challenges
in obtaining sufficient evidence that shows that the promoter or an associate
of the promoter has received consideration in respect of marketing, or
encouraging growth or interest in, the tax exploitation scheme.[14]
[emphasis added]
Critically, this is because the concept of
‘consideration’:
- infers
receipt of payment or financial reward in respect of such marketing or
encouragement of schemes, which has been difficult to establish and
- while
‘indirect consideration’ includes in-kind payments and payments to third-party
associates, the inference has been that the reward is quantifiable.[15]
The effect of this change is that an entity will be a promoter
of a tax exploitation scheme if it, or an associate of it, directly
or indirectly receives a benefit in respect of the marketing or
encouragement of such a scheme, including anything already captured by the
meaning of ‘consideration’. The Explanatory Memorandum states, by way of
example, that increasing the client base of an entity is a benefit that
will be captured by the changes,[16]
and argues that the broader concept of benefit:
- ‘removes
the requirement that the reward is quantifiable’[17]
- ‘allows
the Commissioner to apply for an order where the promoter of a scheme has
received benefits that are less obvious, intangible or disguised’[18]
and
therefore will make it easier to enforce the laws in a
wider range of circumstances.
What is a
tax exploitation scheme?
Clause 290-65 in Schedule 1 of the TAA 1953
provides that a scheme is a tax exploitation scheme if, at the
time the scheme is promoted, it is reasonable to conclude that an entity that
entered into or carried out the scheme has a sole or dominant purpose of
getting a ‘scheme benefit’, and it is not reasonably arguable that the benefit
is available under the tax laws. This includes promoting schemes on the basis
of their purported conformity with a product ruling, but which
are implemented in a way that is materially different from that described in
the relevant product ruling.[19]
The provisions cover schemes involving taxes such as income tax, GST and FBT
and any impugned conduct occurring either in or outside Australia.[20]
The Bill expands the meaning of a tax exploitation
scheme by:
Including a
wider range of schemes
Scheme has
been implemented
The Bill specifically provides that the meaning of a tax
exploitation scheme includes schemes that breach, or would breach, the
MAAL or DPT rules. A scheme will be a tax exploitation scheme where
the scheme was carried out and:
- the
MAAL or DPT rules apply to the scheme and
- it
is reasonable to conclude that an entity that (alone or with others) entered
into or carried out the scheme, or part of it, did so for a principal purpose
of (or for more than one principal purpose that includes a purpose of) that
entity or another entity getting a scheme benefit and
- it
is not reasonably arguable that the scheme benefit
is available at law.[21]
Scheme has
not been implemented
A scheme will be a tax exploitation scheme where,
despite the scheme not being implemented:
- it
is reasonable to conclude that, had the scheme been entered into or carried
out, the MAAL or DPT rules would apply to the scheme and
- it
is reasonable to conclude that if an entity (alone or with others) had entered
into or carried out the scheme, it would have done so for a principal purpose
of (or for more than one principal purpose that includes a purpose of) that
entity or another entity getting a scheme benefit and
- it
is not reasonably arguable that the scheme benefit would be available at law if
the scheme were implemented.[22]
In both instances a scheme benefit means the
reduction of a tax-related liability arising from the scheme, or an increased
amount the Commissioner must pay or credit to the entity arising from the
scheme.[23]
Importantly, the expanded definition of a tax
exploitation scheme does not apply to a scheme where, even though the
conditions in proposed paragraphs 290-95(1A)(a) and (b) are present, it
is reasonably arguable that a scheme benefit is, or would be,
available at law.[24]
The Explanatory Memorandum provides the following example of how the proposed
inclusion of schemes captured by MAAL or DPT rules would operate:
A partner in a professional services firm promoted a scheme
to a client which sought to raise finance for the client’s business expansion
in a way that reduced the client’s tax liability that would not otherwise have
been available at law. On a full examination of all of the factual
circumstances and evidence around the scheme, it was reasonable to conclude
that, if the scheme were implemented, the provisions of the DPT would have
applied because a principal purpose of the scheme would have been to obtain a
tax benefit. Given it was not reasonably arguable that the reduction in
the client’s tax liability (the scheme benefit) would have been available at
law if the scheme was implemented, the scheme constitutes a tax exploitation
scheme.[25]
Expanding
the range of product rulings captured by the promoter penalty laws
As noted above, currently the promoter penalty laws apply to
schemes promoted on the basis of conformity with a product ruling
that are implemented in a ‘materially different’ way from that outlined in the
ruling.[26]
The term ‘materially different’ is not defined.
A product ruling is defined as a public
ruling that states that it is a product ruling.[27]
As such, currently the promoter penalty laws only apply to a narrow set of product
rulings produced by the ATO that are also public
rulings, rather than applying to other ruling
types that may better describe conduct and application of the law relevant
to a scheme, such as class
rulings.
Items 5, 6, 8 and 9 in Schedule 1 to the
Bill replace references to product ruling with references to ‘public
ruling, private ruling or oral ruling’,[28]
within a broader concept of ‘ruling’ encompassing all those ruling types.[29]
The effect of this is that the promoter penalty laws will apply to schemes that
misrepresent their conformance with a wider range of ATO
product rulings (private, public and oral rulings) than is currently the
case. In this regard the Explanatory Memorandum argues:
- extending
the promoter penalty regime to cover all public rulings will cover as many
rulings as possible that may be relied upon by promoters for false endorsement
of a scheme and
- extending
the promoter penalty regime to cover private rulings ensures promoters are held
accountable for promoting conformity of a scheme with one described in a
private ruling (as available in an edited version or the private ruling itself)
that is materially different.[30]
Increases to penalties for breaches of promoter penalty
laws
Currently, under the promoter penalty laws the
Commissioner of Taxation (Commissioner) can, in addition to pursing penalties,
also seek injunctions, voluntary undertakings and court orders to restrain a
breach of an undertaking.[31]
In relation to penalties, proposed subclauses 290-50(4), (4A) and (4B)
in Schedule 1 to the TAA 1953 (inserted by item 16) would
increase the maximum penalty the Federal Court can impose as per the table
below. In addition, the Bill imposes higher penalties for significant
global entities (SGEs) which, in simple terms, is a global parent entity
either with annual global income of $1 billion or more or that is subject to a
Commissioner’s determination deeming it to have such annual global income.
Table 2: Increase to penalties for breaches of promoter penalty laws
Entity type |
Current maximum[32] |
Proposed maximum |
Individual |
Greater of:
- 5,000 penalty
units ($1.565 million)[33]
or
- twice the
consideration received or receivable (directly or indirectly) by the entity
and associates of the entity in respect of the scheme.
|
Proposed subclause 290-50(4)
Greater of:
- 5,000 penalty
units ($1.565 million) or
- three times
the benefits received or receivable (directly or indirectly) by the entity
and associates of the entity in respect of the scheme.
|
Body corporate |
Greater of:
- 25,000
penalty units ($7.825 million) or
- twice the
consideration received or receivable (directly or indirectly) by the entity
and associates of the entity in respect of the scheme.
|
Proposed subclause 290-50(4A)
Greatest of:
- 50,000
penalty units ($15.65 million) or
- three times
the benefits received or receivable (directly or indirectly) by the entity
and associates of the entity in respect of the scheme
- 10% of the
aggregated turnover of the entity for the most recent income year to end
before the entity contravened, or began to contravene the promoter penalty
laws, capped at 2.5 million penalty units ($782.5 million).
|
Significant
global entity (SGE) |
N/A – no specific penalties for SGEs apply, so SGEs that
are not body corporates (such as partnerships or trusts) are subject to the
maximum penalty applying to an individual. |
Proposed subclause 290-50(4B)
Greatest of:
- 50,000
penalty units ($15.65 million)
- three times
the benefits received or receivable (directly or indirectly) by the entity
and associates of the entity in respect of the scheme or
- 10% of the
aggregated turnover of the entity for the most recent income year to end
before the entity engaged, or began to engage, in conduct that contravenes
the promoter penalty laws, capped at 2.5 million penalty units ($782.5
million).
|
Source: Explanatory
Memorandum, 11, 13–14; TAA 1953, Schedule 1, clause 290-55.
Position of
major interest groups on reforms to the tax promoter penalty regime
A number of stakeholders raised concerns about the use of
the word ‘benefit’ in the definition of a promoter, the
broad range of product rulings that will be captured by the laws, the meaning
of ‘materially different’ and the proposed increases to penalties.
Issue:
broad definition of ‘promoter’
A number of stakeholders raised concerns about the impact
of the inclusion of the word ‘benefit’ in the definition of a promoter
of a tax exploitation scheme. In its submission
to Treasury in relation to this reform, the Tax Institute (p. 6) noted:
- this
could capture advice provided by in-house advisers as part of their employment
(for example, where the adviser receives a bonus or promotion, that result
would be a ‘benefit’) and
- employees
acting under the supervision and direction of senior executives or
practitioners should not be subject to these provisions.
The Law Council
of Australia (LCA) (p. 6) expressed concern that technical breaches, where
there is no intention to promote a scheme, may be caught under the proposed
changes as:
the dissemination of information by tax advisers about how a
tax is applied is often a useful tool to help taxpayers understand the outcome
of a particular court case and may imply that taxpayers should consider whether
the outcome is applicable to their own case. If the decision is later reversed
(or a tax avoidance scheme is subsequently found to have existed) the question
arises whether the dissemination of the information, in the first instance,
would be caught. Notably, marketing material may fall within the new definition
of ‘benefit’.
Chartered
Accountants Australia and New Zealand (CA ANZ) (p. 18) expressed similar
concerns about ‘thought leadership content in the form of a webinar or article’
being captured as an increase in the client base as a result of such content
could be covered by the concept of ‘benefit’ and recommended clarifying the
meaning of ‘benefit’ or, alternatively, additional coverage in the Explanatory
Memorandum.
Issue:
broad application to ruling types
A number of stakeholders raised concerns about the breadth
of ruling types proposed to be captured by the Bill. For example, The Tax
Institute (p. 6) noted in relation to private
rulings:
edited [private binding rulings] PBRs cannot be relied on by
a taxpayer other than the taxpayer to whom the PBR applies. Key information
regarding the scheme is removed from edited PBRs to ensure that the identity of
the taxpayer is not disclosed, often resulting in only part of the scheme and
relevant facts being described.
Ernst
& Young (EY) expressed similar concerns (p. 4) and recommended the Bill
be amended to state that the circumstances are tested against the edited
private ruling as published and not against the actual private ruling, other
than where the promoter was a rulee for that private ruling or an adviser who
applied for and received a copy of the ruling. Deloitte
(pp. 4–5) also raised the issue and made similar recommendations, as did CA ANZ
(pp. 15–18) stating (p. 16):
tax advisers should be able to utilise the benefit of the
technical arguments and positions affirmed in an edited private ruling without
fear of the potential risk of the promoter penalty rules applying, or by
needing to alleviate the risk, by having their client seek their own private
ruling (at a cost) raising the same technical issues.
Issue:
meaning of ‘materially different’
The Bill applies the promoter penalty laws to schemes
promoted on the basis of conformity with the expanded range of product
rulings that are implemented in a materially different
way from that outlined in the ruling. CA ANZ raised concerns about whether a
scheme is or is not materially different from that described in a
ruling, noting it ‘is already an issue’ under the existing laws and the
proposed amendments would heighten the need for a clear understanding of the
term. In that regard, CA ANZ
noted (p. 17):
- that
the ATO views a material difference as arising ‘where the difference in
implementation affects the tax outcomes for investors’ but
- from
an accounting perspective, materiality relates to the significance
of that difference, which can vary between entities.
Issue:
proposed penalties
A number of stakeholders raised a variety of concerns
about, and suggested amendments to, the proposed increases to penalties for
breaches of the amended promoter penalty laws. The Tax
Institute (p. 7) suggested that the calculation of aggregate turnover
used to determine the maximum penalty applicable to SGEs:
should be based on the aggregated turnover of the relevant
entity in the year in which the breach in fact occurred or began to occur,
unless the entity has artificially reduced its aggregated turnover in that
year, or the relevant data is not yet available to calculate the aggregated
turnover. This would ensure that the potential penalty amount more accurately
reflects the entity’s actual fiscal position at the time of the contravention
of the rules which resulted in the liability to the penalty.
The LCA
suggested that whilst the increased penalties may deter non-compliance (p. 6):
higher sanctions may also induce other previously complying
advisers to limit or temper their participation, thereby potentially
compromising the independent advice sought. The Law Council acknowledges that
the new 10 per cent of aggregated turnover penalty… is designed to deter
entities from treating civil penalties as a mere cost of doing business. Yet,
the penalty amount will be unrelated to the actual benefit received and may,
therefore, appear disproportionate.
However, the LCA (p.
7) also noted:
Proposed subsection 290-50(4B) appears to provide that each
partner in a partnership that is a significant global entity is potentially
subject to penalties of as much as 10 per cent of the partnership’s turnover or
2.5 million penalty units. Given that large partnerships may have many hundreds
or even thousands of partners, the proposed amendment is extraordinary
considering that only one lot of such penalties would be imposed on a
corporation under proposed subsection 290-50(4A). [emphasis added]
CA ANZ
(p. 20) also expressed concern about the impact of the proposed penalties,
stating:
CAs from small to medium practices argue that the current,
harsh promoter penalty levels are more than adequate to dissuade and punish
promoter behaviour in their market segment. They point out that the PwC matter
involved a large firm, serving predominantly large and multinational clients.
CA ANZ urges the government to re-visit the proposed penalty
increases and create a framework which better differentiates between adviser
segments. “Small” firms should be treated the same as individuals (I.e., 5,000
penalty units or 3 times the total value of benefits).
E&Y
(p. 3) noted that the proposed penalties ‘are not in line with the Corporations
Act 2001’ and that the penalty calculated under the proposed changes
‘may be substantially greater than if the amendment had been aligned with the Corporations
Act’. As such, E&Y recommended:
- if
the intended policy of the proposed amendments is to align the 10% rule for
promoter penalties with the 10% rule used for Corporations Act
penalties, changes must be made to replicate the use of the Corporations Act
definition of annual turnover.
- if
the intended policy of the proposed amendments is as drafted to calculate
potential penalties based on the more expansive aggregated turnover provisions
of the ITAA 1997, then this should be recognised and clearly explained
in the explanatory memorandum to the amending Bill and in other materials as
relevant.
Deloitte
(p. 2) recommended alignment of the proposed turn-over based penalties in the
Bill with the Corporations Act, as well as aligning treatment of
penalties for partners and body corporates under proposed subsection
290-50(4A) and (4B). The LCA expressed similar concerns.
Schedule 2: Extending tax whistleblower protections
Background
to Schedule 2
‘Whistleblowing’ can be defined as a ‘disclosure by
organisation members (former or current) of illegal, immoral or illegitimate
practices under the control of their employers, to persons or organisations
that may be able to effect action’.[34]
In turn, whilst various definitions exist, whistleblower
protections are defined by the OECD
(p. 18) as legal protections from discriminatory or disciplinary action for
employees who disclose to the competent authorities, in good faith and on
reasonable grounds, wrongdoing of whatever kind in the context of their
workplace.
The OECD (p.
10) has also noted that whistleblower protections can extend to exemptions from
breaches of secrecy or national security laws. In the Australian context,
Commonwealth whistleblower protections involve protecting whistleblowers from civil, criminal or
administrative liability, as provided for under the Public
Interest Disclosure Act 2013 (PID Act), for example, provided
various processes and criteria are met.[35]
A number of reviews have highlighted limitations in the abilities
of Australia’s regulators to receive and share information from whistleblowers,
which negatively affect the integrity of the taxation system as a whole.
Schedule 2 of the Bill aims to address some of those limitations.
Previous
proposals to reform the scope of tax-related whistleblower protections
Prior to the PwC scandal, various reforms to protections
for tax-related whistleblower disclosures were proposed. This included:
- allowing
the ATO to disclose information provided to it by a whistleblower ‘to
Government agencies and people or entities necessary to investigate, without
the consent of the whistleblower’[36]
and
- extending
whistleblower protection to disclosure of information to the TPB.[37]
Most recently, in June 2019 the ALP, in its policy ‘Labor's
plan for making multinationals pay their fair share’, (p. 2) advocated for:
- providing
protection for whistleblowers who report on entities evading tax to the ATO and
- allowing
individuals who highlight tax evasion to collect a share of any penalty
collected.
The provisions in Schedule 2 to the Bill can be viewed as
indirectly advancing the first element of that policy: providing protection to
whistleblowers, but not the second.
Role of the
Tax Practitioners Board
Tax practitioners must be registered with the Tax
Practitioners Board (TPB) under the Tax Agents
Services Act 2009 (TAS Act) in order to provide tax agent
services for a fee or other conduct connected with such services.[38]
The ATO may refer registered tax agents to the TPB where
there is evidence that they are in breach of obligations under the TAS Act.[39]
The TPB can deregister a practitioner who is penalised for promoting a tax
exploitation scheme.[40]
However, currently, tax practitioners are unable to make whistleblower
disclosures to the TPB, an issue identified as a weakness requiring
rectification by the pre-PwC scandal reviews noted above.
Consultation
The Treasury conducted a consultation process regarding reforms to tax-related
whistleblower protections, including Exposure Draft legislation, in
September 2023. Eleven
submissions to consultation process have been published.
Key issues
and provisions arising from Schedule 2
In the context of tax laws, various secrecy provisions
exist, breaches of which can attract criminal penalties. Currently, under the TAA
1953 a whistleblower qualifies for protection:
- • if the
disclosure of the information was made to the Commissioner to assist the
Commissioner to perform their functions or duties under the taxation law[41]
- • if the
disclosure of the information was made to an eligible recipient
(members of the entity’s audit team, registered or BAS tax agent, directors,
other employees and certain other authorised persons) to assist the eligible
recipient to perform functions or duties in relation to the tax affairs
of the entity or an associate of the entity[42]
or
- • if
the disclosure of the information was made to a legal practitioner for the
purposes of obtaining legal advice or representation about disclosures made to
the Commissioner or an eligible recipient.[43]
Where any of the above apply, the whistleblower is not
subject to several liabilities in relation to the disclosure.[44]
Key issue:
expanding tax-related whistleblower protection regime
The provisions in Schedule 2 to the Bill amend section
14ZZT and other provisions of the TAA 1953 to extend whistleblower
protection to eligible whistleblowers who make disclosures to:
- the
TPB[45]
- certain
other entities who may support or assist the whistleblower (such as
psychologists or medical practitioners)[46]
and
- entities
prescribed by future regulations (such as professional associations[47]).[48]
This means that where certain criteria are satisfied the
Bill will provide whistleblowers with protection from civil, criminal or
administrative liability related to disclosing sensitive tax information. In
addition, the Bill includes amendments that:
- allow
the TPB to use the disclosed information as necessary or convenient for
performing its functions under section 60-15 of the TAS Act, which
includes investigating breaches of that Act (and therefore more effectively regulate
malicious practices by tax practitioners or scheme promoters that would be
harmful to the public or undercut the Australian revenue system)[49]
- establish
evidentiary burdens and procedures regarding claims for protection made under proposed
section 14ZZX that ‘align with section 10 and section 23 of the PID Act
2013’.[50]
A whistleblower who has civil or criminal proceedings
instituted against them bears the onus of substantiating their claim for
protection by, for example, pointing to evidence that suggests a reasonable
possibility the information disclosed may assist the Commissioner to perform their
functions or duties under a taxation law in relation to the entity or an
associate of it (proposed section 14ZZXA).
Position of
major interest groups on proposed tax-related whistle-blower reforms
The proposed changes to tax-related whistle-blower
protection laws were supported by stakeholders.[51]
However, the following issues were raised:
- the
benefit of having a single unified whistleblower protection law, rather than a
‘patchwork’ framework[52]
- clarifying
which professional associations disclosures can be made to[53]
and
- clarifying
the legal implications of an employee of a professional association disclosing
information received from a whistleblower to a regulatory body.[54]
Schedule 3:
Tax Practitioners Board reform
Background
to Schedule 3
The object of the TAS Act is to ensure that tax
agent services are provided to the public in accordance with appropriate
standards of professional and ethical conduct.[55]
Tax practitioners (tax agents and BAS agents, which can be
individuals, partnerships or companies) in Australia are regulated by the TPB,
which is established under the TAS Act. Tax practitioners must be
registered with the TPB under the TAS Act in
order to provide tax agent services for a fee or to engage in other conduct
connected with providing such services.[56]
Under the TAS Act and related regulations, the TPB:
- administers
the system for registering tax practitioners
- investigates
conduct that may breach the TAS Act and the Code of Professional Conduct
and
- where
there has been a breach, impose sanctions including orders, suspension or
termination of registration.[57]
These powers enable the TPB to regulate the profession and
ensure that tax practitioners are compliant with the legislative framework and
adhere to appropriate standards of professional and ethical conduct.
Previous
proposals to reform the TPB
Prior to the PwC scandal, various reforms to the operation
of the TPB were proposed. These included:
- increasing
the TPB’s sanction powers and applying them to both registered and unregistered
tax practitioners[58]
- providing
that investigations can commence and continue regardless of whether a
registered tax practitioner has their registration terminated, chooses not to
re-register, or is seeking to surrender their registration[59]
- removing
the limitation on the TPB formally gathering information prior to commencing
and notifying a tax practitioner that they are being investigated[60]
- removing
the six-month timeframe to conduct an investigation[61]
- enabling
the TPB to publish more detailed reasons for tax practitioner sanctions,
including terminations on the TPB Register (which is publicly available) and
removing the time limit on how long certain information remains on the TPB
Register before being removed[62]
- expanding
the details of tax practitioners that are included in the TPB Register
- creating
a publicly available register of unregistered tax practitioners, including:
- entities
that receive a notice by the TPB to ‘cease and desist’ providing tax agent
services for a fee and
- publication
of details relating to renewal application rejections (in certain
circumstances, such as not being fit and proper).[63]
Schedule 3 of the Bill is largely consistent with above
recommendations.
Consultation
The Treasury conducted a consultation process regarding TPB reforms,
including Exposure Draft legislation, in September 2023. Ten submissions
to the consultation process were published.
Key issues
and provisions arising from Schedule 3
Currently, under the TAS Act:
- unregistered
tax practitioners can only be listed on the register if their registration has
been terminated for a reason other than a reason prescribed by the Tax Agent Services
Regulations 2022 (TAS Regulations)[64]
- details
of such unregistered tax practitioners can only be included on the Register for
12 months[65]
- there
is a 6-month timeframe for the TPB to conduct investigations, unless this is
extended[66]
and
- the
TPB can delegate decisions for which administrative review is available to
committees that meet certain requirements.[67]
Expanding
information on the TPB Register
Currently the TAS Act limits the ability to include
unregistered entities on the TPB Register. Specifically, this includes entities
who had had their registration terminated other than for a reason prescribed by
the TAS Regulations. This limitation created a ‘loophole’ where an entity that
breached the TAS Act in a way that justified termination could allow
their registration to lapse and avoid being listed on the TPB Register, as the TAS
Act did not provide for those issues to be addressed in regulations.
Proposed subsections 60-135(1) to (3) inserted
by item 1 in Part 1 of Schedule 3 to the Bill allow regulations to
be made that deal with when unregistered entities must, or must not, be entered
into the TPB Register and if entered, how long they must remain listed. This will
help avoid situations where an entity could allow their registration to lapse
and avoid being listed on the TPB Register arising in the future.
Schedule 3 allows the TPB to publish information about the
entity on the TPB Register, including for past investigations where the TPB
decided to take no further action on or after 1 July 2022 while the tax
practitioner was unregistered.[68]
Whilst not explored in detail in this Digest, the Exposure
Draft regulations released by Treasury in September 2023 as part of its consultation
process provided that if an entity is required to be entered onto the TPB
Register then the following details must be listed:
- the
name and contact details of the entity[69]
- the
registration number, any relevant professional affiliation of the entity and
the period the entity is registered[70]
- any
condition to which the registration of the entity is subject[71]
and
- various
historical details including the names and registration numbers that the entity
has used in the previous five years (if different from the current name and
registration number).[72]
The Exposure Draft regulations also provide that if
various orders are made by the TPB with respect to an entity (including
suspensions and terminations of registration), or a renewal application is
rejected on integrity grounds, the entity must be entered onto the TPB Register[73]
and various information recorded, such as a summary of the content of the order
and reasons for the order, suspension, termination or rejection of renewal
application on integrity grounds.[74]
It should be noted that no such regulations can be made or
tabled until after the Bill is passed and commences. In addition, any such
regulations may be different in some aspects from the elements noted above in
the Exposure Draft regulations.
Timeframe
for conducting investigations
Currently there is a 6-month timeframe for the TPB to
conduct investigations, unless this is extended. Item 3 in Part 2 of Schedule
3 extends this to 24 months, whilst retaining the ability to extend
investigation time-periods. The Explanatory
Memorandum (p. 32) notes:
- the
extension of the time period in which to conclude investigations recognises the
shortcomings of mandating a 6-month period: the 6-month period was insufficient
for the TPB to be able to conduct detailed reviews of complex cases
- extending
the investigation timeframe to 24 months allows the TPB to address underlying
risks of a case and investigate a wider scope of issues raised by a potential
breach and
- despite
the extension of the timeframe in which to complete investigations, it is not
intended that the vast majority of investigations should require the full 24
months in which to be completed.
Publishing
results of investigations
Currently,
the TAS Act limits the information that the TPB can elect to publish
regarding the results of investigations. Proposed subparagraph
60-125(2)(b)(v) (inserted by item 5) and proposed subsection
60-125(2A) (inserted by item 8) would allow the TPB to publish
specified information about an entity, such as its name and the findings of the
investigation, on the Register, even if no other sanctions are imposed. The Explanatory
Memorandum notes (p 33):
The ability to publish findings of an investigation on the
Register has been added as scenarios may arise where there has been a breach of
the TAS Act, but pursuing sanctions is not a reasonable course of action. In
particular, this can occur where entities were registered at the time the
investigation commenced, but had their registration expire without renewal
before the conclusion of the investigation. In these circumstances, publishing
findings of misconduct from investigations provides the TPB with an additional
option to ensure the public is aware of the entity’s misconduct.
The effect of proposed paragraph 60-125(2)(b)(v)
and proposed subsection 60-125(2A) and proposed regulation 25E as
published in the Exposure
Draft regulations released by Treasury in September 2023 as part of its consultation
process mean that if the TPB decides to publish information on the Register
on the findings of an investigation, that information will be published for
five years and set out:
- the
identity of the contravening entity
- the
TPB’s findings and the reasons for that finding.[75]
Proposed paragraph 70-10(h) (inserted by item 10
of Schedule 3) provides that decisions by the TPB to publish findings of
investigations on the TPB Register can be appealed to the Administrative
Appeals Tribunal (AAT). The Explanatory
Memorandum notes (p. 34):
This is consistent with the availability of administrative
review of a TPB decision to pursue administrative sanction, following an
investigation that finds there has been conduct breaching the TAS Act. Enabling
merits review for a TPB decision allows those that are subject to
investigations an avenue for appeal with an independent tribunal that can
provide a determination on whether the correct decision was initially made.
Position of
major interest groups on Schedule 3
Whilst broadly supportive of the measures contained in
Schedule 3, some stakeholders expressed specific concerns. For example, the Tax
Institute (p. 4) expressed concerns about details of sanctions remaining on
the TPB Register once they had expired:
The Tax Institute is of the view that where details of a
sanction are published on the register and that sanction has lapsed or
otherwise been remediated, the register should be updated to reflect this. For
example, if a sanction is imposed that requires a practitioner to undertake
certain actions, once those actions have been completed, the register should be
updated to reflect the steps taken by the practitioner to address the issue.
This approach treats registered tax agents and BAS agents
more fairly as it recognises efforts made to remediate misconduct. It also
ensures that the public have a more fulsome understanding of the issues and how
they were addressed. This improves the overall integrity of the register and
provides greater assurance to the public.
The Financial
Advice Association Australia (FAAA) expressed concerns about publication of
the results of investigation where no action was taken against the practitioner
(p. 2):
…this should be for more material matters of misconduct and
not merely administrative matters. We also have reservations about the
legislation empowering the TPB through Item 12 to publish a finding when the
TPB had previously made the decision to take no further action. This seems to
be retrospective, although we note the right of appeal to the AAT exists. In
these circumstances, we believe that this should only apply in the case of more
serious matters.
CA ANZ
(p. 26) expressed similar concerns, arguing that:
- the
TPB should not treat all levels of breaches and orders as worthy of publication
- there
should at least be an avenue for an agent to apply to have a training course
sanction removed from the Register once the course is completed and 6 months
have passed since it was completed
- the
publication rule being applied to orders such as a training course risks undue
damage to honest and compliant agents (reputation) and adversely impacts their
ability to retain and attract new clients (competition) and staff (employment
and talent) and
- there
is also a risk of ‘peppering’ or overwhelming the Register with information on
low-grade conduct for a disproportionate period of time, detracting from the
more concerning and egregious conduct which consumers need to be warned about.
Schedule 4:
information sharing
Background
to Schedule 4
Under tax laws, various tax-related information is
classified as protected information and cannot be disclosed
unless an exception applies.[76]
Importantly, currently there is no general principle that allows disclosure of protected
information by the ATO or TPB to relevant professional disciplinary
bodies when they have evidence of legal or ethical misconduct by members of the
relevant body.[77]
The Explanatory
Memorandum (p. 41) argues:
The PwC tax leaks scandal exposed limitations on the power of
the regulators to respond to misconduct by tax advisers and firms. It
highlighted that current secrecy provisions prevent government agencies from
communicating effectively with one another in order to maintain the integrity of
the tax system, as well as the process by which Government consults
intermediaries. In the PwC scandal the ATO became aware that PwC had breached
an obligation of confidence to the Commonwealth and used that information to
develop schemes to avoid the application of the proposed law. The ATO was not
able to share the relevant information with Treasury.
Previous
proposals to reform tax-related information sharing
Prior to the PwC scandal, the Black
Economy Taskforce Final Report noted the barriers tax secrecy laws
posed to combatting tax evasion and other illegal black economy related
activities. Relevantly the Black Economy Taskforce Final Report recommended
that tax practitioners ‘should formally be under obligation to report when they
become aware of black economy or other illegal activities’ as in the UK,[78]
and observed:
- ‘improved
data and information sharing and improved analytics… would support the better
identification of egregious tax practitioners’[79]
and
- the
existing disciplinary framework in the profession ‘should be more rigorously
applied, including by better provision and use of ATO data (with changes made
to the information sharing provisions as necessary) to allow deregistration and
prosecution’[80]
of tax practitioners engaged in professional misconduct or breaches of tax
laws.
Consultation
The Treasury conducted a consultation process regarding tax-related
information sharing reforms, including Exposure Draft legislation, in
September 2023. Twelve
submissions to the consultation process were published.
Key issues
and provisions arising from Schedule 4
The amendments in Schedule 4 will:
- allow
the ATO and TPB to share protected information with Treasury
about misconduct arising out of breaches or suspected breaches of confidence
by intermediaries engaging with the Commonwealth
- allow
the ATO and TPB to share protected information with prescribed
disciplinary bodies where they reasonably believe a person’s actions may
constitute a breach of the prescribed disciplinary body’s code of conduct or
professional standards and
- allow
the Treasury to on-disclose protected information to the Treasurer
or Finance Minister in relation to a breach or suspected breach, and any
proposed measure or action directed at dealing with such a breach or suspected
breach.
Sharing
information related to misconduct arising from breaches of confidence
Obligations of confidence may be imposed by contractual
obligation or by legislation (for example, provisions deeming information to be
protected information). However, even in situations where there
is no legislative or contractual obligation of confidence which expressly
protects information, information may still be subject to an equitable
duty of confidence, meaning the disclosure of that information by an
entity would found an equitable action for breach
of confidence. This will occur when:
- the
information itself has a quality of confidence about it
- the
information was imparted in circumstances importing an obligation of confidence
and
- there
was an unauthorised use of the information.[81]
Case law is somewhat uncertain as to whether the
unauthorised use of the confidential information caused a detriment to the
plaintiff (for example, the Commonwealth) is a necessary element of an
equitable action for breach of confidence.[82]
Clause 355-65 in Schedule 1 of the TAA 1953 deals
with exceptions to the rules against disclosure of information. Specifically,
subclause 355-65(8) contains Table 7 which provides for records or disclosures
relating to miscellaneous matters. Item 1 in Schedule 4 to the Bill inserts
proposed table item 14 into Table 7 to allow taxation officers to share
protected information with the Secretary of the Treasury Department where:
- there
is a breach or suspected breach of an ‘obligation of confidence’ by an entity
against the Commonwealth or a Commonwealth entity
- the
obligation arose in connection with the entity providing advice, or otherwise
providing services, to a Commonwealth entity either as an entity engaged by the
Commonwealth entity for that purpose, or as an entity representing a taxpayer
and
- the
sharing of the protected information is for the purpose of enabling or
assisting in the consideration, development or implementation of any measure,
or the taking of any action, directed at dealing with the breach or suspected
breach.
As the term obligation of confidence is not
defined, it will have its ordinary meaning and hence will apply to contractual,
legislative and equitable obligations of confidence. In relation to providing
advice, the Explanatory
Memorandum (p. 43) notes:
The advice provided by an entity may have been as a service
provider or as a taxpayer representative and was provided by means other than
by public consultation. This could include but is not limited to private
consultations, working groups and roundtables, where individuals were
required to sign non-disclosure agreements, privacy agreements, or other such
agreements with any Commonwealth department, agency, and body to ensure
integrity and confidentiality in the policy development process. The advice
provided does not need to be provided for a fee. [emphasis added]
The Explanatory
Memorandum also notes (41–42) that this change will allow the Commonwealth to
pursue suspected breaches of confidence and act as a deterrent to future
misconduct by intermediaries engaging with the Commonwealth, by ensuring
Treasury has relevant information to respond to breaches or suspected breaches
of confidence.
Sharing
information with disciplinary bodies
Currently legislation does not, in general, permit disclosure
of protected information to relevant professional disciplinary
bodies when the ATO or TPB has evidence of legal or ethical misconduct by
members of a relevant professional body, except in very limited circumstances.
The Explanatory
Memorandum (pp. 44–45) highlights concerns about the impact of those
limitations, noting this:
- prevents
professional associations or independent regulators from receiving information
which could enable them to pursue disciplinary actions against their members
where they were not otherwise aware of the behaviour and
- inhibits
the proper operation of the self-regulatory model that exists in many
professions.
In this regard, the Explanatory
Memorandum reflects similar concerns to those expressed by the Black
Economy Taskforce Final Report regarding the ability of current laws to
effectively deal with misconduct by professionals, due in part to limitations
on information sharing.
Item 1 in Schedule 4 to the Bill also inserts proposed
table item 15 into Table 7 in subclause 355‑65(8) of Schedule 1 of the
TAA 1953. Item 4 inserts proposed subsection 70-40(6) into
the TAS Act in equivalent terms. These provisions will allow
taxation officers and TPB official to share protected information
related to acts or omissions by a person to a prescribed disciplinary
body where:
- the
taxation officer/ TPB official reasonably suspects that an act or omission may
constitute a breach of the prescribed disciplinary body’s code of conduct or
professional standards and
- the
disclosure is for the purpose of enabling or assisting the prescribed
disciplinary body to perform one or more of its functions.
The relevant professional disciplinary bodies
will be prescribed in the regulations. Whilst at the time of writing no
exposure draft regulations had been released to provide guidance as to the
which professional bodies or associations are likely to be prescribed as professional
disciplinary bodies in the regulations, it would appear reasonable to
assume it would cover key professional
associations already recognised under Part 2 and Schedules 1 and 2 of the Tax Agent
Services Regulations 2022 such as CA ANZ, CPA Australia, the Institute of
Public Accountants and the Tax Institute.
Sharing disclosed
information with the Minister or Finance Minister
Currently, under the TAA 1953 and TAS Act
someone who is not a taxation officer or TPB official
is prohibited from disclosing protected information except in
certain circumstances.[83]
As this applies to protected information lawfully disclosed to
the relevant taxation officer or TPB official,
currently it is difficult to ‘on-disclose’ protected information.[84]
Item 2 in Part 1 of Schedule 4 to the Bill inserts proposed
clause 355-181 into Schedule 1 to the TAA 1953 to allow the
disclosure of protected information obtained by the Treasury (for
example, having been disclosed to it by the ATO or TPB) to the Treasurer or Finance
Minister for the purpose of the Treasury providing advice in relation to:
- a breach,
or a suspected breach, of an obligation of confidence by an entity providing
advice to the Commonwealth, either as service providers to the Commonwealth or
representing taxpayers in their interactions with the Commonwealth, against the
Commonwealth or a Commonwealth entity (within the meaning of the Public
Governance, Performance and Accountability Act 2013) or
- any
proposed measure or action directed at dealing with such a breach or suspected
breach.
Proposed subsection 70-40(5) of the TAS Act (inserted
by item 4) will enable the TPB to provide protected information to
Treasury in similar circumstances, which Treasury will be able to disclose to
the Treasurer and Finance Minister.[85]
The effect of these amendments is that the Treasury can
on-disclose protected information obtained from the ATO or TPB to
the Treasurer or Finance Minister in relation to a breach or suspected breach
of an obligation of confidence, and any proposed measure or action directed at
dealing with such a breach or suspected breach.
Preventing
disclosure of information identifying taxpayers
Protected information can include
information that would identify specific taxpayers.[86]
As such, Schedule 4 includes amendments to safeguard the identity of a taxpayer
not involved in any wrongdoing represented by an intermediary that is the focus
of the disclosure—unless doing so would prevent action being taken against the
intermediary.
The amendments provide that a taxation officer
or TPB official cannot disclose the ABN, name, contact details or
personal information (as defined in the Privacy Act 1988)
of any entity other than the entity that is suspected of the misconduct, unless
the Commissioner or the TPB (or individual acting on its behalf) is satisfied
that the inclusion of the information is necessary:
- for
the purposes of enabling or assisting in the consideration of the development
or implementation of any measure, or the taking of any action, directed at
dealing with the breach or suspected breach (in relation to sharing protected
information with Treasury) or
- for
the purposes of enabling a prescribed disciplinary body to
perform one or more of its functions (in relation to sharing protected
information with a prescribed disciplinary body).[87]
The Explanatory
Memorandum (pp. 45–46) notes that whilst the disclosure of protected
information to Treasury or to a prescribed professional disciplinary
body:
may include the personal information of both the person
involved in any breach of confidence as well as individual taxpayers, these
safeguards and the limited circumstances in which this information can be
on-disclosed ensures that any potential impact on a person’s privacy is limited.
Position of
major interest groups
Whilst most major interest groups generally supported the
changes around information sharing in Schedule 4, a number of concerns were
raised.
CA
ANZ (p. 33) argued that as the amendments provide that professional
disciplinary bodies will be prescribed by regulations and no exposure
draft regulations have been released ‘Parliament should not consider debating
this Bill until such time as it can fully see the full regulatory picture’.
Further, CA
ANZ (p. 33) questioned the desirability of the ATO referring matters to
professional disciplinary bodies:
Given the highly contestable nature of the interpretation and
application of many aspects of Australian taxation and superannuation laws, and
the propensity for substantial disputes to arise between the ATO and clients of
tax and BAS agents, it is undesirable from a policy perspective for the ATO to
have the power (or entitlement) to report suspected breaches of CA ANZ's Code
of conduct or professional standards by a member. As the ATO will have formed
this suspicion or view in the course of their functions in administering the
taxation laws, there is an unacceptable risk of unconscious bias and/or a
perceived conflict of interest inherent in the power (entitlement).
CA ANZ is also concerned that this new exception could have a
negative impact on our members' ability to robustly and fearlessly represent
their clients' interests in disputed tax matters against the ATO. This outcome
would not be good for the health and integrity of the tax system from a
taxpayer or tax adviser perspective. Instead, CA ANZ believes that it would be
more appropriate for the ATO to report all suspected unprofessional conduct or
misconduct to the TPB, as the independent regulator of tax and BAS agents, who
would then make the decision whether to report a suspected conduct breach by
the member to the professional association.
In contrast, CPA
Australia and IPA (p. 2) supported the ATO referring matters to
professional disciplinary bodies, whilst arguing that extending whistleblower
protections to professional disciplinary bodies would improve the timeliness
and effectiveness of information sharing between the TPB and professional
associations.
Deloitte
(p. 2) noted, in relation to the ATO or TPB referring matters to professional
disciplinary bodies, that the Bill does not address how an entity’s or person’s
membership will be confirmed to remove the risk of disclosures to a body that
has no jurisdiction over the entity or person.
The LCA
(pp. 13–16) and Queensland
Law Society (pp. 2–3) raised concerns about the appropriateness of certain
aspects of the proposed changes, including interfering with legal profession
disciplinary matters, which are dealt with under state and territory legislative
schemes, as well as being an aspect of the inherent jurisdiction of Supreme
Courts of each state and territory.
Schedule 5: Petroleum resource rent tax deductions cap
What is the PRRT?
The petroleum resource rent tax (PRRT) is complex[89]
but can be broadly summarised as a cash‑flow tax that applies on a
project-by-project basis to off-shore petroleum projects.[90]
The PRRT is a
tax on profits derived from the sale of Australian petroleum products,
designated as ‘marketable petroleum commodities’ (MPC). This includes:
stabilised crude oil, sales gas, condensate, liquefied petroleum gas (LPG),
ethane, shale oil, and any other product declared by regulation to be an MPC.[91]
Where an entity has a taxable
(PRRT) profit in a year, it will pay tax at a rate of 40 per cent.[92]
The taxable profit is the amount by which assessable receipts exceed deductible
expenditure and transferable exploration expenditure.[93]
PRRT is levied before income tax, and PRRT payments are deductible against
company tax when determining taxable income under the Income
Tax Assessment Act 1997 (ITAA 1997).[94]
Methodology for calculating the PRRT
The PRRT was established in 1988.[95]
At that time, the development of petroleum resources was largely focused on oil
rather than gas.[96]
Subsequently, large scale LNG projects became more important than oil. In the
late 1990s it was recognised that a transfer pricing methodology was needed to
determine (in an integrated operation) the price at which the gas is ‘sold’
from one part of the entity that extracts it to another prior to it being
processed and liquefied for export.[97]
In 1998 the Government commissioned Arthur Andersen to
undertake an analysis to determine an appropriate methodology to calculate a
transfer price for natural gas feedstock used in the conversion of gas to
liquid. Part 1 of the report (which was unpublished) established the basis for
three different methods: Comparable Uncontrolled Price (CUP); Advance Pricing
Arrangement (APA); and Residual Pricing Method (RPM).[98]
Part
2 of the report concluded that the RPM was a viable approach for setting a
feedstock gas transfer price in an integrated gas-to-liquids project for the
purposes of calculating secondary tax liability (p. 5). In practice, the RPM is
almost always used,[99]
owing to an inability to determine a CUP and because the RPM is advantageous to
taxpayers.[100]
The
RPM that is used in the Gas Transfer Pricing (GTP) regime allocates 50 per
cent of the price received for LNG to the upstream (PRRT project) and 50 per
cent to the downstream (liquefaction plant). It does this by providing a return
on capital to each component, an allowance for operating costs, and if there is
any residual value, it is typically allocated equally between the two sides
(pp. 11–15).
Callaghan Review
In recent years there has been criticism from academics,
civil society groups and policy bodies that the PRRT has not raised sufficient
revenue to compensate the public for the use of finite resources.[101]
There are several reasons given for the PRRT’s declining revenue, including
generous uplift rates[102]
and lower commodity prices. However, some of the criticism has been directed at
the RPM, which is considered by some non‑industry stakeholders to be
fundamentally flawed.[103]
On the other hand, the peak industry body considers the gas transfer pricing
(GTP) mechanism is working well.[104]
The Petroleum
Resource Rent Tax Review (Callaghan Review), which reported in April 2017,
noted at page 118 that the use of deductions could be limited to 80 or 90 per
cent of assessable PRRT receipts, with PRRT paid on the remaining amount. The
Callaghan Review modelled an 80 per cent deduction cap. The results are set out
in Figure 6.3 of the report at page 119.
The Callaghan Review recommended that there be an in-depth
examination of GTP arrangements (p. 14). Subsequently Treasury conducted such a
review (the GTP Review) which reported in May 2023.
Gas Transfer Pricing Review
The GTP Review
examined the RPM, which assumes a 50:50 split of residual profit, or rent,
between the ‘upstream’ and ‘downstream’ operations of an integrated LNG
project.[105]
The GTP Review Final Report repeatedly noted the arbitrariness of this split
(for example on pages 15, 24 and 25). As only the upstream profit is
liable for PRRT, Treasury argued that ‘a 50:50 residual profit split attributes
too much rent to the downstream contribution’ (pages 8, 32), causing the PRRT
to under-tax the economic rents associated with the upstream resource.
Treasury discussed replacing the RPM with either a ‘netback
only’[106]
method or a modified RPM. The netback only methodology would attribute all of
the residual profits to the upstream, consistent with the view that the source
of economic rents is in the underlying resource. Treasury pointed out (at page
30) that such a change could impact both existing and future projects and (at
page 42) that ‘neither option is certain to substantially increase revenue from
the offshore LNG industry in the medium term’.
The report then considered the option of a deductions cap,
stating at page 43:
On balance and taking into account the role of a deductions
cap in bringing forward PRRT, Treasury considers that setting the cap at 90 per
cent of total PRRT assessable receipts is appropriate. A cap of this magnitude
would equate to PRRT payable equivalent to 4 per cent of assessable PRRT
receipts (tax paid on 10 per cent of revenues at the 40 per cent PRRT rate),
which is relatively modest. A cap of 90 per cent largely retains the current
structure and operation of the PRRT as a rent tax, while adapting the PRRT to
include a minimum return for the recovery of the natural gas resources owned by
the Australian community, regardless of the prevailing LNG prices.
Recommendation 1 of the Report stated: ‘Treasury considers
that the existing GTP Regulation results in a structural undervaluation of gas
at the PRRT taxing point for integrated LNG projects, particularly when
resource prices are high’ (p. 4). Treasury then mentioned different options for
addressing the problem, before making Recommendation 1c (at page 4) which
states:
Limit deductible expenditure to the value of 90 per
cent of PRRT assessable receipts in respect of each project in the relevant
income year (applied after mandatory transfers of exploration expenditure).
Unused denied deductions would be carried forward and uplifted at the
Government long-term bond rate (LTBR).
In the 2023–24 Budget (in Budget Paper No.
2 at page 23) the Government announced that it would introduce a cap on deductible
expenditure of 90 per cent of assessable receipts. The change,
which would apply from 1 July 2023, is expected bring forward the date that LNG
projects are expected to pay PRRT. According to Budget
Paper No. 1 at page 180: ‘To date, not a single LNG project has paid any
PRRT and many are not expected to pay significant amounts of PRRT until the
2030s.’
Consultation
Treasury issued a Consultation Paper
on the Gas Transfer Pricing arrangements, which was open from 5 April to 14
June 2019. 21 submissions were received for this consultation, including 4
confidential submissions.
Treasury published Exposure Draft
legislation and explanatory material which were open for consultation from 21
August to 15 September 2023. Five submissions were received for this
consultation, including two confidential submissions.
Position of major interest groups
In response to the Treasury consultation on the Exposure
Draft of this Bill, Australian
Energy Producers (AEP), formerly the Australian Petroleum Production and
Exploration Association (APPEA), commented generally that the changes to the
PRRT, along with other significant interventions, have had a significant
cumulative impact on the industry and the attractiveness of Australia as a
destination for investment. It also commented that the Bill deals with only one
aspect of the announcements contained in the 2023–24 Budget, the deductions
cap.
Policy position of non-government parties/independents
The Opposition
Shadow Treasurer Angus Taylor moved amendments
in the House of Representatives to omit Schedule 5 from the Bill, stating:
Our message to the government is clear and it's simple. Pull
the PRRT schedule from this bill and start again. Engage with the coalition in
good faith on this measure to support the future of our gas industry, to bring
down emissions and power bills, to support our manufacturing businesses and to
secure a critical revenue base as a result of this and other measures.[107]
Australian
Greens
In July 2023, it was reported that the Australian Greens
(the Greens) considered that the Government had watered down the options for
taxing petroleum resource rents at the expense of voters.[108]
The Greens’ view was based on previously confidential documents containing
Treasury’s assessment of various options.
In August 2023, the Greens said they ‘will not be cowed by
Labor's desperate attempts to pass their weak gas tax unamended, and will move
amendments when the PRRT is introduced into Parliament’. [109]
The Greens said they had gained crossbench support for an amendment to Labor's
PRRT changes that would double the amount it would raise, as independently
costed by the Parliamentary Budget Office (PBO). Under the proposal, the cap
would limit deductible expenditure to the value of 80 per cent of each
taxpayer's PRRT assessable receipts.
In debate of the Bill in the House of Representatives,
Greens Leader Adam Bandt moved
the following second reading amendment:
… acknowledging 15 gas companies signed non-disclosure
agreements when preparing Schedule 5 of this bill for the Government, the
House:
(1) notes the
billions of dollars in climate damage that the gas industry has already
inflicted through turbocharged bushfires, floods and a 23 per cent reduction in
agricultural profits, representing $29,200 in losses per Australian farm; and
(2) acknowledges
that the Australian Taxation Office has labelled the gas industry as ‘systemic
non-payers of tax’; and
(3) notes
that the Parliamentary Budget Office has costed the potential revenue from
repairing the Petroleum Resource Rent Tax at $94.5 billion over the
decade; and
(4) resolves
that gas companies earning super profits from war should no longer avoid
payment of super profits taxes; and
(5) calls
on the Government to amend the bill to ensure a minimum doubling of revenue
from the Government's proposed changes to the gas super profits tax.[110]
Mr Bandt stated:
This whole tax is incredibly weak and incredibly
embarrassing. Labor knows that there are the numbers in the Senate, thanks to
the Greens, to add a minimum of double the tax from this. We have enough
senators; if Labor has the courage to come and vote with us, we can double the
tax take from this and make the gas giants pay just a little bit more.[111]
Independents
Independents in the House of Representatives do not
support Schedule 5.
Zali Steggall, the Independent
Member for Warringah, stated that the amendments implementing the PRRT
Deductions Cap Bill are weak. Ms Steggall considered that the Bill ‘delivers
revenue neutrality, merely bringing forward revenue rather than increasing it.’
Ms Steggall proposed strengthening the Bill by:
- Amending
the deductions cap from 90% to 80%, which she argued remains consistent with
Treasury advice provided to government.
- Removing
the seven-year exemption to ensure Australians have access to their fair share
of resource rent revenue sooner, to support the delivery of services.
These recommendations were reflected in amendments
proposed to the Bill by Ms Steggall, which also called for the House to decline
to give the Bill a second reading due to ‘the role of gas companies in
influencing the drafting of the Bill’. Ms Steggall stated:
… schedule 5 of this bill is an absolute disgrace. … The PRRT
is a tax that is meant to deliver to the Australian people money to our
economy—it is rental payments for our gas resources—but it doesn't deliver
much. The government would like a pat on the back for saying that they're
delivering reform in this area, but what they are doing is the bare minimum and
really only bringing forward revenue. It's so poorly designed that it
effectively allows multinational companies reaping super profits from gas reserves
to pay less than one per cent.
Schedule 5 of this bill caps deductions for LNG projects such
that the LNG entity will be taken to have a taxable profit of 10 per cent of
the assessable receipts derived in a year with tax being payable on this
amount. The effect of the cap will be to bring forward PRRT collections for gas
projects, but it won't bring in any more revenue to the government. It is a
bait and switch. The PRRT, even with the government's proposed reforms in this
omnibus bill, is the most lax resource rent tax system in the world—I repeat:
the most lax resource rent tax system in the world—at a time of cost-of-living
crisis and record profits in the gas industry…
We have one of the most generous tax regimes in relation to
oil and gas companies. In contrast, Norway's resource tax system taxes 78 per
cent of export profits, delivering a $2 trillion sovereign wealth fund to their
economy, supporting healthcare, childcare and social measures, all without
discouraging investment. You'll hear a lot of fearmongering about the effect,
but the reality is that it's time for the open access, the free run, to end.
In 2023 it's estimated that oil and gas export taxes will
deliver some A$145 billion to the Norwegian economy, the equivalent of a
staggering $107,000 per family. In comparison, Australia is nowhere. The
amendments to the PRRT introduced in this omnibus bill… bring forward $2.4
billion over the next four years, equating to some $600 million per year. This
amount is trivial in comparison to the super profits that have been generated
by gas companies in recent years. The government's rhetoric will seek to have
Australians believe that this is good policy, and the coalition will make you
think that somehow this is terribly unfair on the gas companies. The reality is
that this is unfair on the Australian people.[112]
Allegra Spender, the Independent Member for Wentworth, moved
an amendment to require the Minister to conduct a review of the operation of
the amendments proposed in Schedule 5 to the Bill, to start by 1 July 2026 and
report to the Minister by 1 January 2027. The review would be required to
consider:
- the
appropriate distribution of petroleum resource rents and the need to provide a
fair return to the Australian community
- the
appropriateness of the PRRT Act (as amended by
Schedule 5) and associated regulations in light of recent, and potential
future, developments in industries subject to that Act and
- the
applicability of the review’s findings to resource export industries not
subject to that Act.
The review could also consider other relevant matters and
the review report would be required to be tabled within 3 months of receipt by
the Minister.
In her second reading speech on the Bill, Ms Spender
stated:
The PRRT is supposed to ensure that Australians get a fair
return when their oil and gas resources are sold overseas, but it doesn't work
well. In the past couple of years, Australian LNG exports have boomed,
increasing from $71 billion to $93 billion in the last financial year alone, as
gas prices skyrocketed following Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Climate Energy
Finance estimate that the gross profits of LNG exporters exceeded $63.5 billion
last year. Despite these record profits and despite gas exporters being able to
extract these resources for free, the Australian people have seen little
return. In the 2020-21 financial year, there were 33 projects eligible for the
PRRT yet only six paid any tax. Even more shockingly, despite Australia being
the second-largest LNG exporter in the world, the most recent set of budget
papers noted that not a single LNG project has paid any PRRT and many are not
expected to pay significant amounts of PRRT until the 2030s. It is clear the
Australian people are not getting their fair share, and the system is ripe for
reform.
Sadly, I believe that the government has missed an
opportunity for significant reform with this bill. Whilst a few projects that
would never have paid the PRRT will now do so, the main impact of this
legislation is to bring forward some of the revenue a few years earlier, giving
the budget bottom line a boost today at the cost, potentially, of taxpayers
tomorrow. And it's not that much revenue. The reforms will bring in just $600
million a year over the forward estimates, despite gas companies bringing in an
additional $20 billion in revenue in the last financial year alone. That
doesn't sound like a fair return for taxpayers.
And it's a missed opportunity for significant reform, because
more substantial changes were possible and had broad support. The government
have rejected a proposal from the crossbench in the Senate to lower the
deductions cap further to 80 per cent—a move that was backed by Treasury
officials. This would have brought in a further $2.6 billion over the forward
estimates. They have rejected a proposal to raise the PRRT rate from 40 to 50
per cent, which would divide the profits from selling Australian resources
equally between the Australian people and gas exporters. Even before the
introduction of the deductions cap, this would have brought in a further $660
million over the forward estimates.
They have rejected several proposals from Senator Pocock
which would close the loopholes in the current regime by ending the carve-out
given to Woodside, shortening the seven-year grace period before the deduction
cap applies and no longer allowing expenses incurred many years in the past to
be brought forward at a massively inflated rate. They have rejected more
substantial changes to the structure of the tax that were put forward by the
Callaghan and Treasury reviews, such as changing transfer pricing arrangements
so that PRRT is calculated based on the real value of the resource, rather than
the discounted rate that is currently used. All of these sensible approaches
have been rejected, and, whilst this change is better than nothing, it is a
missed opportunity for more significant reform.[113]
Kate Chaney, Independent Mmeber for Curtin, was also
critical of the proposals in Schedule 5, describing them as ‘disappointingly
meek’, [114]
a position reinforced by Dr Monique Ryan, Independent Mmeber for Kooyong,[115]
and Kylea Tink, Independent Member for North Sydney.[116]
Zoe Daniel, Independent Mmeber for Goldstein advised that
she would be voting against the Bill and advised:
In the lead-up to the budget, the Treasurer had three options
in front of him on the PRRT. We discovered, courtesy of the Australian
Financial Review, that he chose the option the gas producers wanted. What a
surprise. Obviously it was the option that would cost them the least. The
government estimates that its new approach will raise no more than $2.4 billion
over the next four years—a drop in the bucket. Treasury presented the Treasurer
with two other options, one of which would have effectively seen an 80 per cent
deductions cap for the petroleum resource rent tax, as specified by the member
for Warringah's amendment. The AFR calculated that, at current prices, that
option would have brought in $21.9 billion in 2023-24 alone. Instead, as the
paper put it back at budget time: The big gas producers can go back to what
they do best—exporting huge amounts of Australian gas and printing money …[117]
Dr Helen Haines, Independent Member for Indi, also advised
that she does not support the amendments proposed by Schedule 5:
I will not be supporting this reform, because it simply does
not go anywhere near far enough. The government states that this reform will
increase government revenue in the short term by around $2.4 billion. Now, $2.4
billion shouldn't be sneezed at; no it shouldn't. But over the lifetime of
these projects the government's proposed changes scarcely raise any additional
revenue for Australians. Yes, you heard me right: these changes will hardly
have any impact on the total tax revenue Australia receives from these
projects. The deductions companies can't use in a given years due to the 90 per
cent cap will just be rolled over to the next year and indexed and rolled over
again and again until they can be used. This bill fails to reduce the generous
compounded deductions projects can use to reduce or avoid PRRT, and it fails to
deliver a better return for everyday Australians.[118]
Financial implications
Schedule 5 to the Bill and the 2023–24
Budget measure (p. 23) Petroleum Resource Rent Tax – Government Response
to the Review of the PRRT Gas Transfer Pricing arrangements are estimated
to increase receipts by $2.4 billion over the 4 years to 2026–27.[119]
Table 3: Financial impact of Schedule 5 ($ billion)
2023–24 |
2024–25 |
2025–26 |
2026–27 |
Total |
0.5 |
0.6 |
0.8 |
0.5 |
2.4 |
Source: Explanatory
Memorandum, 5.
Impact Analysis
Please refer to Chapter 8 of the Petroleum
Resource Rent Tax: Review of Gas Transfer Pricing Arrangements Final Report
(May 2023) (pp. 64–69).[120]
Compliance cost impact
According to the Explanatory Memorandum, compliance cost
for this measure will be ‘minimal’.[121]
Key issues and provisions
The purpose of the amendments to the PRRT is to cap the
availability of deductible expenditure incurred in relation to a petroleum
project for a year of tax, and consequently bring forward tax payable.
The measures in the Bill (except for items 7 to 9 of
Schedule 5, which relate to instalments of PRRT) apply in relation to
assessable receipts derived by an entity in relation to a project, or a Greater
Sunrise project, and in relation to a year of tax beginning on or after 1 July
2023, whether or not assessable receipts were also derived by an entity in relation
to the project and an earlier year of tax.
Imposing the cap
Item 3 in Schedule 5 to the Bill inserts proposed
subsections 22(3)–(5) into the PRRT Act. Proposed subsection
22(3) provides that an entity will have a deemed profit equal to 10 per
cent of the entity’s assessable receipts derived in relation to the project in
the year of tax (called the denied deduction amount), provided
certain conditions are met, including that the entity:
- derives
assessable petroleum receipts or assessable tolling receipts in relation to a
project in a tax year
- produces
sales gas[122]
- regularly
or consistently enters into arrangements, as a result of which it is intended
that the sales gas be wholly or primarily produced into liquefied natural gas
and
- has
no taxable profit in relation to the project and the tax year.
Under proposed subsection 22(4) an entity has an
alternative taxable profit calculation if it has an interest in a Greater
Sunrise project.[123]
In that case, an alternative formula for working out the denied deduction
amount using an apportionment percentage figure is used. Item
1 in Schedule 5 to the Bill repeals and replaces the definition of
apportionment percentage figure in section 2 of the PRRT Act so that the
amount is calculated in accordance with either subsection 2C(2) or 2C(3).
Accordingly, item 2 inserts proposed subsection 2C(3). Section 2C
deals with Greater Sunrise apportionments.
Exclusions from the cap
Proposed subsection 22(5) operates so that a
project is excluded from the deductions cap if:
- the
tax year is the first financial year in which assessable receipts are derived
in relation to the project, or one of the subsequent 7 financial years
- the
entity incurs resource tax expenditure or starting base expenditure in the year
of tax or
- the
entity has exhausted its deductible expenditure.
Once the entity is considered to have a taxable profit of
10 per cent derived in relation to the project and the year of tax, the denied
deduction amount is uplifted by the long-term bond rate plus 1. Item 5
of Schedule 5 of the Bill inserts proposed subsection 35F into the PRRT
Act. Under proposed subsection 35F(2), the entity is then considered
to have incurred an ‘augmented
denied deductible expenditure amount’ in relation to the project on the
first day of the next financial year.
Also, under proposed subsection 35F(1), augmented
denied deductible expenditure can be transferred under Division 5 of Part V of
the PRRT Act. Division 5 relates to the transfer of entire entitlements
and part entitlements to assessable receipts. Where entitlements to assessable
receipts in relation to a petroleum project are transferred,
the new participants are subject to the provisions of the PRRT Act.
Stakeholder
comments
Denied
deduction amount
AEP
initially expressed concern that while the denied deduction amount will be 10
per cent of assessable receipts and this will be augmented by the Government
long-term bond rate and carried forward, the drafting of section 35F(2)
appeared to limit the carry forward deduction to the excess deduction. It
acknowledged that the addition of the explanation of the term available
excess had provided the necessary clarification.
Closing-down
expenditure
The Explanatory Memorandum states that if a person incurs
closing-down expenditure under section
39 of the PRRT Act,
that person will typically not derive assessable petroleum receipts. Therefore,
the deductions cap will generally not apply (p. 51).
The AEP submission disputes this, stating that a project
may continue to derive assessable receipts whilst producing petroleum or derive
other types of assessable receipts whilst being closed down. AEP therefore
asked that the legislation be amended to exclude projects incurring
closing-down expenditure, as defined under section 39, from the application of
proposed subsections 22(3) or (4) (p. 2). This request is not reflected in the
Bill.
Exclusion from the deductions cap
The AEP submission further commented:
The trigger for cap timing should be limited to the taxpayer
deriving assessable petroleum receipts from sales gas to be liquified. Some
projects may derive assessable petroleum receipts in respect of domestic gas
before they derive assessable receipts in respect of sales gas to LNG. If the
trigger for cap timing is any assessable petroleum receipts, such projects may
be disadvantaged by being brought within the cap earlier than would otherwise
be the case (p. 2).
The relevant provision (subsection 22(3)) remains
unchanged from the Exposure Draft, that is if (a) a person derives assessable
petroleum receipts or assessable tolling receipts in relation to a petroleum
project in a year of income and (b) sales gas is or will be produced from some
of the petroleum that is, or will be, recovered from the project, and the other
relevant conditions are met, the entity is taken to have a taxable profit and
the deduction cap applies.
Other
provisions
Division 2 of Part VIII in the PRRT Act deals with
collection of PRRT by instalments.[124]
Item 7 of Schedule 5 of the Bill, inserts proposed
subsections 97(1BA) and 97(1BB) into the PRRT Act so that the
instalment provisions apply to entities which anticipate a taxable profit
because of the deductions cap.[125]
The amount of tax that would be payable is worked out according to the formula
set out in proposed paragraph 97(1BA)(b)—that is, current period
receipts minus previous period receipts, the difference being multiplied by
0.1.
Stakeholder
comments
While unaffected by the Bill, AEP considered the existing
21-day period is insufficient time to calculate and arrange an instalment
payment, particularly where assessable petroleum receipts are calculated under
the RPM (p. 2). AEP argued that the formula in subsection
45(2) of the Petroleum
Resource Rent Tax Assessment Regulation 2015 should be simplified to
streamline the calculation of assessable sales gas for an instalment period.
Alternatively, AEP proposed that an additional 30 days be allowed for the
calculation and payment of instalments. Similarly, it considered that the time
allowed for the annual balancing payment and PRRT return is not sufficient
(currently 60 days after the end of the PRRT year) and that 150 days is
more realistic (p. 3).
Inpex Australia
is a subsidiary of a Japanese-owned independent worldwide oil and gas explorer
and producer. Inpex
mainly supported AEP’s submission, while noting that the timing of payments
under the instalment regime is problematic where the RPM is used by a project
under the PRRT regulations.