Chapter 3The impact of school refusal
Overview
3.1School refusal has a profound impact on affected young people, as well as their parents, carers and other family members. The growing number of families affected by school refusal is also challenging schools and service providers in various ways. This chapter puts forward the evidence received by the committee about the impact of school refusal for children, families, communities, and the education system.
3.2For young people, school refusal can have consequences for their physical and mental health, as well as negative impacts on their social connections, educational attainment, and future employment prospects.
3.3For parents and carers, school refusal can take a toll on their financial, physical and mental health. School refusal can also lead to tension and resentment within the broader family unit and, in some cases, can contribute to family breakdown.
3.4For schools, understanding and addressing the growing issue of school refusal impacts staff workloads, morale and health, and creates challenges around resource availability and allocation. Similarly, service providers report struggling to meet the increased demand for services, such as health support.
3.5A number of submitters, such as the Peter Underwood Centre, MissingSchool and Djerriwarrh Community College, further highlighted the potential economic impacts of school refusal.
3.6According to Professor Jim Watterston, the fiscal and social costs of school detachment are $12.6 billion and $23.2 billion respectively (for each cohort of 19‑year-olds that left school early). However, Professor Watterson also noted the true costs are likely to be higher given these estimates do not include the cost of housing or care for young people, costs borne by non-government and philanthropic organisations, or the intergenerational cost of disadvantage.
The impact on young people
3.7The committee heard evidence about the impact of school refusal on young people's health and wellbeing, social connections and educational outcomes. For example, Associate Professor Glenn Melvin pointed to a range of negative outcomes associated with chronic absenteeism, including 'poorer health and mental health, low academic attainment, early school leaving, social difficulties, loss of income and greater rates of unemployment'.
Health and wellbeing
3.8Overall, isolation from school was identified as having cumulative and potentially long-lasting consequences for children's health and wellbeing. MissingSchool suggested that school isolation 'results in a confluence of profoundly detrimental physical, cognitive, social, emotional, and/or mental health consequences for students (now and into adulthood)'.
3.9Individual submissions also provided personal accounts in which they linked school isolation with poorer health outcomes, with one parent saying that the:
… evidence has linked social isolation with adverse health consequences including depression, poor sleep quality, impaired executive function, accelerated cognitive decline, poor cardiovascular function and impaired immunity at every stage of life.
3.10While physical reactions to school refusal—such as nausea, diarrhoea, migraines and hives—were observed by some submitters, overwhelmingly, the evidence provided to the committee focused on the mental health impacts of school refusal.
3.11A survey by the Home Education Network (HEN) received 616 responses from parents and caregivers who had children struggling with school attendance. Itfound that for 92.9 per cent of respondents, school refusal worsened their child's anxiety and ability to cope, while for 7.1 per cent, it had led to the hospitalisation of their child.
3.12The mental health impacts of school refusal were reflected in the experience of multiple submitters. For example, one mother described the way her son had changed 'from a bright confident child to a withdrawn teenager that has self‑harmed and contemplated suicide on more than one occasion'.
3.13Some parents spoke of their child's feelings of failure, shame and low self‑esteem arising from their experience of school refusal, with some describing the changes they observed in their child as a result.
3.14Impacts on young people's self-esteem was also noted by the Brotherhood of StLaurence (BSL), which reported that students' self-esteem and academic self‑concept can be 'impacted and replaced with negative beliefs about academic abilities, teachers and learning'.
3.15In addition to feelings of low self-worth, young people affected by school refusal can also be burdened with the knowledge that their experience is negatively impacting their parents and siblings. As one parent explained, 'he considers himself in a poor light and is aware the stress of his school can't on all of us though we try and hide it.'
3.16In the most extreme cases, parents described their child's mental health deteriorating to the point of self-harm, suicidal ideation, or suicide attempts—in some cases affecting children of primary school age.
Social connections
3.17A range of organisations highlighted the negative impact of school refusal on young people's social interactions and connections. A survey by HEN found that 65.7 per cent of respondents reported an impact on their child's friendships.
3.18Similarly, the BSL noted the fragility of peer groups in schools and observed that 'those who have long absences from school find it hard to resume or initiate friendships and they have no sense of belonging'. This view was reinforced by School Can't (School Phobia, School Refusal) Australia (School Can't Australia), which pointed out that 'even peers who are sympathetic to the student who would like to connect can after a while struggle to find shared experiences around which they can socialise'.
3.19The impact on social connections was highlighted in a number of personal accounts provided by inquiry participants. One parent explained that her children no longer 'attend church, have few or no friends and are much more fragile and less self-confident in all aspects'. Another parent noted that although her child often wants to join activities with his peers, he 'just can't when the day arrives'. As a result, her child views himself as 'unreliable' and no longer offers to help or join in.
3.20As noted by Virtual School Victoria (VSV), for students experiencing anxiety and depression, the breakdown of peer relationships can 'compound social isolation, leaving many of our students struggling to leave their home, or in some cases, even their bedroom'.
3.21When parents tried to reduce their child's isolation, it was explained to the committee that this was not an easy task. In some cases, submitters indicated that their child had lost interest in social activities, was too anxious to participate, and/or struggled to leave the house, while another inquiry participant spoke of the limitations of scheduled visits from friends. As one parent explained:
I have attempted to create external opportunities for her to connect to her peers but these are not on a daily basis and are limited. As she struggles socially with new surroundings, by attending other external programs, even though it exposes her to new environments, she still struggles with [unfamiliar] environments/people.
Educational outcomes
3.22Various education authorities pointed to research showing a clear correlation between school attendance and academic achievement, including a link between poor attendance and lower scores/academic outcomes, an increased likelihood of school dropout, and a decreased likelihood of engaging in vocational education. In addition, the Australian Government Department of Education highlighted a 2013 study which found that 'average academic achievement on NAPLAN tests declined with any absence from school and continued to decline as absence rates increased'.
3.23While noting the strong correlation between attendance and academic performance, Catholic Education Western Australia highlighted the complexity of analysis in this area, which involves 'many other confounding factors', particularly for disadvantaged communities. These can include difficult home environments, poverty, food insecurity, the absence of suitable home study facilities and a lack of internet connection.
3.24In relation to school refusal more specifically, most of the evidence provided to the committee did not provide conclusive data on the educational and academic impact that school refusal has on students. For example, although Catholic Education South Australia was able to identify a correlation between academic outcomes and school refusal, this work appears to be in its early stages. Mostother education authorities indicated to the committee that this type of analysis is not available. In most cases, this also applies to students who have moved into non-mainstream education settings, including flexible learning settings, virtual schooling, and home schooling.
3.25The lack of educational outcomes data for students experiencing school refusal is likely to relate to the lack of data on school refusal more broadly. This view appears to be supported by the Australian Education Research Organisation (AERO), which noted there is 'limited research on the link between school refusal and academic achievement' and that Australian research on school refusal is 'constrained by the current national standards and administrative systems for attendance reporting'.
3.26However, according to AERO—and in line with school attendance research more broadly—the limited research on the impact of school refusal suggests:
increased absences due to school refusal have an impact on learning;
school refusal and number of absences negatively predict school achievement in adolescents; and
the short and long-term consequences of school refusal include incomplete schoolwork, poor academic performance, and potential school dropout.
3.27These findings appear to be reflected in the evidence of many participants who described an impact on young people's learning outcomes and subsequent employability. Independent Schools Australia (ISA) stated that 'school refusal impacts educational outcomes and may affect potential post school study or employment opportunities'.
3.28Mrs Robyn Thorpe, of the Australian Secondary Principals' Association (ASPA) and the Northern Territory Principals' Association, highlighted the role of school refusal in longer-term disengagement and detachment, 'which limits a young person's potential for many employment and career options'. Further,MrsThorpe noted that many of the affected students were 'our most vulnerable young people from disadvantaged backgrounds in our public education schools with the lowest funding and resourcing'.
3.29In a similar vein, the Mallee District Aboriginal Services highlighted the particular risk school disengagement posed to the future employment and financial security of First Nations students, particularly given education is widely acknowledged 'as a means of breaking the cycle of intergenerational disadvantage, and thus creating better outcomes'.
3.30The impact on disadvantaged cohorts was also recognised by the BSL, which contended that, in the experience of its staff, the impacts of school refusal were greatest for those 'with a lived experience of poverty, family violence, inadequate or unpredictable housing or trauma'. The BSL further stated that:
School attendance and achievement is an investment in future economic and social security, but disadvantaged families often describe living from day to day experiencing considerable stress related limited income and resources. Students and families often develop complex strategies to survive in the 'near future' and have limited resources or experience to support them to be future focused. This leads to a tension between their current lived experience and the requirement to be 'future-focussed' to experience success, connection and purpose at school. Truncating education in this way is likely to impact an individual over the course of their lifetime potentially impacting on employability and future economic security.
3.31At an individual level, parents spoke about the impact of school refusal on their child's academic progress. One parent described her deep sadness about the aversion to study and the loss of potential arising from her child's experience:
I have now accepted that my son will never return to a classroom or online learning setting, and am looking for on-the-job opportunities where he can learn skills that might eventually translate into qualifications. I don't believe he needs major credentials to live a full and happy life, yet I am deeply sad his high school experience was so traumatic that he now has an aversion to anything resembling study. He has a quick mind and considerable talents, which may never be realised.
3.32The loss of a child's potential was also highlighted by the parents of gifted students who were experiencing school refusal. As one parent explained:
His academic results are poor, despite the fact official cognitive testing has placed him in the top 2 per cent of children his age. He has never achieved anything like his potential at school and has started to question his abilities at all.
3.33The Australian Association for the Education of the Gifted and Talented noted that while there were no specific studies on the cost of school refusal for gifted students, one study had found that underachievement in gifted high school students was correlated with poorer higher education outcomes.
3.34Submitters such as the BSL also noted the cumulative impact of school absences, with returning to school becoming more difficult 'as students try to pick up in the middle of a unit or assessment tasks without the foundation knowledge or skills'.
3.35According to submitters such as VSV, this can have a compounding effect as it reinforces 'a sense of failure related to school and the desire to avoid school as the source of this shame'. This was also noted by at least one parent, who stated that her son's anxiety about having fallen behind academically was an additional barrier to his re-engagement with school.
The impact on parents and carers
3.36The committee heard of the effect of school refusal on the health and wellbeing, social connections, and employment and financial security of parents and carers. Submitters also commented on the broader impacts of school refusal on the family unit (including siblings and grandparents), as well as its contribution to family breakdown.
3.37In addition, the moderate heritability of mental health challenges and the evidence suggesting a strong genetic basis for autism and ADHD, means that some parents are likely to be attempting to manage their own needs as well as those of their children.
Health and wellbeing
3.38Multiple submitters emphasised the physical and mental toll that school refusal had taken on parents and carers.
3.39For example, one participant explained that the need to supervise their child had left her husband with less time to exercise, leading to poor health outcomes. The negative impact of school refusal on parents' physical activity levels was borne out by the results of a survey by School Can't Australia, which found that 51 per cent of respondents were unable to access regular exercise.
3.40However, as with young people experiencing school refusal, it was the mental health impacts that appeared most severe, with parents experiencing stress, anxiety, depression, and even post-traumatic stress disorder. According to the School Can't Australia survey (which had a total of , 95 per cent of respondents in carer roles experienced a negative mental health impact, with 80 per cent describing that impact as moderate to severe.
3.41As noted by The Therapy Place, the stress on families dealing with school refusal is 'phenomenal'. High levels of stress were also reflected in the results of a survey by the HEN, with 97.4 per cent of respondents nominating family stress as an impact of school refusal. While respondent numbers were small, a survey by Djerriwarrh Community College also found that 78 per cent of parent/carer respondents experienced increasing stress, anxiety and mental health issues as an impact of their child's school refusal.
3.42High levels of stress were evident in the stories from multiple submitters, who described parents as being exhausted and/or chronically stressed, and feeling overwhelmed and hopeless in the face of their child's struggles. As one submitter expressed:
As a parent this situation has made me feel like I am failing causing me to feel very low at times. My own anxiety has significantly increased and I am physically and mentally exhausted trying to cope with this situation.
3.43Difficulties accessing appropriate services also added to levels of stress and exhaustion. As one parent explained:
I am beyond exhausted and like many other parents in my community in a similar situation, I am out of ideas. The financial pressures have been extraordinary, the rising cost of living adding to this. I attempted to make a significant change by moving from our regional centre to a city to access better school/educational/mental health support but even this has made no difference.
3.44In addition, there is very little respite from the stress involved in caring for a child experiencing school refusal. As one parent noted, 'it affects the child and all those around them for every second of every day. It is a stressful feeling that is there the minute you wake up to the minute you fall asleep'. Even when a child is able to go to school, the mental health impacts for parents persist:
Coregulating with a distressed child, and knowing I've sent her to a place that is not well suited to her needs, is a huge drain on my emotional energy. It's often hard to bounce back and get any type of work done in the mornings, and sometimes leads to short periods of mild depression.
3.45For many parents, there appears to be a deep sense of shame and failure associated with school refusal, which can be exacerbated by uncertainty about how best to support their child. As one submitter explained:
I rack my brains in the middle of the night to think of things I may have missed or supports I could put in place, it feels as though we are the failure as parents not able to provide our child with an education.
3.46For some parents, the sense of failure they felt also included feelings of guilt and regret about the impact of their attempts to get their child to school, often based on the advice of schools or health professionals.
3.47For some parents, these attempts to get their child to school involved more extreme measures by either themselves or others, including physical force or coercion. This included an incident relayed by School Can't Australia, where a crying and fearful child was physically dragged into the school grounds by school staff, who told the parent that 'they knew best as they were the professionals'.
3.48Parents' sense of shame and failure was often made worse by pressure from schools about their child's attendance. In some cases, this involved letters warning of legal action and fines. One participant explained that she continued to receive these letters, despite providing evidence from health professionals about her child's school refusal, as well as instigating numerous emails, phone calls and meetings with the school:
The last letter from the school was an escalation stating that the school feels justified in referring us to the [redacted] program or Department's senior officers for legal action. These letters are counterproductive and destroy the very relationship that is essential to working collaboratively. It feels threatening, it is threatening, and I fail to see how they help the situation. My daughter has not been at school at all in Term 3 or 4 2022, I have not received a phone call, my daughter has not received an email to show she is known valued and cared for, yet we have received four departmental letters already (week 6) …
3.49Parents also spoke of the mental health impacts arising from negative judgement from family and friends, as well as educators and health professionals. As one submitter explained:
At various times our mental health and resilience has been challenged, it has been at times an isolating and dark journey to be on, with a sense of stigma and shame. Judgemental comments from health professionals and educators have been extremely hurtful.
3.50Anxiety about a child's future was another source of stress for parents. According to ReachOut, this can be accompanied by a sense of loss in relation to the future the parents had once envisioned for their child. In some cases, this sense of loss extended to their own identity, with at least one parent highlighting the grief, loss of identity and reduced self-esteem that accompanied the loss of their work and career.
3.51As a result, more than one participant reported needing to seek psychological help for anxiety and depression arising from, or exacerbated by, the experience of school refusal.
3.52However, the ability of parents to access help was often impacted by their caring responsibilities. One submitter described the impact of reducing 'self-care' activities on her husband's health:
He has had severe stress-induced physical symptoms, such as collapsing/fainting, blood pressure fluctuations, headaches, and heart palpitations. He has sought mental health support from his local GP on two occasions, but ultimately does not have the time to take care of himself. Thatspace is dedicated to ensuring his children's well-being.
3.53This was reinforced by the results of the School Can't Australia survey, which found that for two-thirds of respondents, 'exhaustion and overwhelm limited their ability to access supports for themselves'. Difficulties accessing support were also exacerbated by 'limited free time, the unpredictability of school can't, and waiting lists'. As one participant reflected:
I long for a break, to get a haircut, to go to the [doctors], to self care just a little, to make appointments but it's all near on impossible when your day is controlled by a young person's inability to breakthrough the return to school anxiety and the level of support that requires.
Social connections
3.54Parents and carers referred to a sense of loneliness and social isolation arising from experiences of school refusal. This was reflected in the results of the School Can't Australia survey (441 respondents), which found that of those who responded to a question about school refusal's impact on relationships:
65 per cent had learned to not discuss their child's school refusal with some people;
50 per cent had consciously reduced contact with family and friends;
45.6 per cent had very few people in their social network with whom they could talk about school can't; and
41 per cent had lost contact with other parents and carers at their child's school.
3.55Only five per cent reported that 'there had been no impact on their social relationships'.
3.56For some parents, the lack of social connection was underpinned by the nature of their caring role. As one submitter explained, 'sometimes I feel entirely lost in my caring role, to achieve the impossible and unending job of supporting my children well'.
3.57A similar view was shared by another parent, who described the impact of their child's school refusal on their growing social isolation as a family:
It means that the family has become and will remain more socially isolated as Miss [redacted] is unable to attend most social events (even just visiting a friend/families house for an hour is sometimes impossible).
3.58Difficulty leaving the house was also reported by submitters as a cause of social isolation. Even when parents did leave the house, they sometimes struggled to know what to say to other parents, which added to their sense of isolation.
3.59For other participants, a lack of understanding of school refusal among family, friends and the school community was a key driver in the loss of social connections. One parent, who used to be highly involved in the school community, told of her embarrassment at talking to other parents 'whose kids are all coping just fine with what my child found unbearable'. As a result, her school social circle now consists only of the mothers of her children's closest friends, who 'get it' as their children are also neurodivergent.
Employment and financial security
3.60Evidence to the committee shows that school refusal has an enormous impact on most parents' employment and financial security. Responses to the School Can't Australia survey showed that one third of respondents were 'coping for now' but believed their long-term financial security would be impacted by school refusal. Another 15 per cent of respondents 'were struggling to afford essentials such as food, housing, transport, health, and basic needs'.
3.61The financial impact of school refusal was illustrated by the experience of one parent, who described facing a choice between supporting their child or being able to pay the mortgage.
3.62In some cases, the financial strain on families means that parents struggled to afford treatment for their own health issues. In one case, a parent described having to constantly balance their ability to 'afford basic health care', while another told of forgoing important dental treatment. Further, the Council of Catholic School Parents NSW/ACT described parents sacrificing 'their own mental health to "put food on the table"'.
3.63As noted by School Can't Australia, the unpredictability of school refusal and the need for flexibility affects the type, location and amount of work parents are able to undertake. Parents described having to take extended leave, reduce work hours, seek work in a more flexible industry (or become self-employed), or leave paid employment entirely to care for and/or home school their child.
3.64The HEN survey results found that 57.7 per cent of respondents had lost days of work as a result of school refusal, while 19.2 percent had lost their job. Similarly, the School Can't Australia survey found that 54 per cent of respondents felt stressed about their ability to maintain employment, while only three per cent of parents 'reported no impact on their ability to work over the last five years'.
3.65The difficulties in maintaining employment were described by one parent who had recently returned to work:
I returned to work this August for the first time in over 11 years, given a great chance to re-enter the workforce and re-start my career. Due to my daughter's school attendance difficulties I had to resign in November. My workplace were very supportive and I now have a more junior role, only 2 days a week and an exemption to work from home. My pay has halved and my work performance is severely impacted, but at least I still have a job.
3.66The time and energy needed to 'case manage' children also impacts on parents' employment. For example, one submitter described navigating the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) as 'a full-time job', particularly when a family has multiple children needing support.
3.67According to School Can't Australia, a parent's case management role can also include searching for information, advocating for their child, providing schools with information about supporting their child, identifying alternative education pathways, navigating waiting lists, interpreting reports and assessments, and arranging supports.
3.68It was explained to the committee that for couples, the decision to reduce one parent's work hours—or for one parent to leave work entirely—sometimes placed additional pressure on the remaining wage earner to bring in additional income.
3.69For single parents, the choice between maintaining employment or being available to support their child appeared even more stark. As noted by VSV, these choices can also raise child safety considerations, as parents try to balance providing appropriate supervision for their child with the need to maintain an income.
3.70Multiple submitters also noted the long-term impact of reduced employment on their financial security, including lower superannuation, lower chances of home ownership, and a reduced ability to accumulate savings. This experience was supported by evidence from Carers ACT, which reported that caring responsibilities impact significantly on lifetime earnings and superannuation balances:
… on average, the superannuation balance at age 67 of a parent or family member who becomes a primary carer for a child is reduced by about $17700 for every year that they are a carer. Similarly, their lifetime earnings are reduced by $39 600 for every year they are a primary carer.
3.71As well as a reduction in income, parents of children experiencing school refusal often face increased costs related to home schooling (or tutoring), medication and/or accessing psychological and other support for their children.
3.72In addition, VSV noted that Centrelink recipients can be at risk of incurring over‑payment debts if their child does not maintain the required level of school participation.
Impact on the broader family unit
3.73The committee heard that the impact of school refusal extends to the broader family unit, including siblings and grandparents. It can also create tensions between parents and contribute to family breakdown.
3.74School refusal can affect family cohesion by preventing families from attending social events, going on family outings, or taking holidays. This can be the result of financial pressures, the need to plan around the affected child, or both. For example, one parent explained that she is unable to have family visit her home as her daughter finds it too anxiety‑provoking. At the same time, she revealed that over the past three years, she and her daughters had taken only one three-day holiday—a timeframe dictated by her lack of time and finances.
3.75Another parent stated that she cannot take holidays at all due to her younger children's reliance on her and their inability to be away from home overnight:
Due to my kids anxiety I can't even have a holiday. They don't manage without me and they won't go away overnight. My husband and adult daughter have just left for a driving holiday to [redacted] to see Billy Joel in concert. A holiday I planned, for myself, but I can't take because of the repercussions of school can't.
Impact on siblings
3.76According to the results of the HEN survey, 63.7 per cent of respondents indicated that school refusal had impacted siblings of the affected child.
3.77One submitter referred to the rivalry and disunity that school refusal could create within families. This tension was described by another submitter, whose daughter started a new school in 2020 but, unlike her son, was able to return to in person learning:
She has, however, been impacted by the focus we have given her brother and the tension that has existed within the household. We have been aware of the tendency to overlook the 'non-problem' sibling(s), which in more extreme cases are referred to as 'glass children' (because you see right through them and don't notice them), and, while we have tried to avoid this, we have not completely managed it. We are managing an easily triggered level of resentment as a result ...
3.78For some families, a child in the family refusing school had led to resentment and questions from siblings about why they need to go to school, if their brother or sister doesn't attend. As one parent explained in relation to her son's school refusal, 'his sisters have become resentful because they go to school and the younger one sees that he refuses and tries to do likewise'.
3.79For siblings who may have their own school refusal or mental health challenges, the impact can be particularly difficult. One parent, whose three children all experience school refusal, described the situation as 'almost impossible'.
3.80While not commonly reported during the inquiry, there was some evidence suggesting that siblings have had to be removed from the home due to parents' concerns about their safety after being exposed to physical violence, or threats of physical violence.
Impact on grandparents
3.81The committee heard that some parents rely on grandparents for both financial and caring (including home schooling) support. One grandparent remarked that they were providing care two days a week to enable their daughter to work part‑time, and have some respite from her caring responsibilities.
3.82While grateful for the support, participants were concerned about the impact of this caring role on their (often elderly) parents. As one parent explained:
… I can't expect them to help me anymore than they are. Ican't imagine how tiring it must be for them at seventy! We are all exhausted. My mum is worried that she won't do a good enough job of teaching my son and I am worried that it is just too stressful for them and all of us.
3.83The reliance on grandparents was also observed by the Catholic Education Diocese of Bathurst, which noted it could become a source of conflict within families. This was reflected in the experience of one submitter, who described how the additional caring responsibilities became too much for her mother:
I literally shifted her grandmother role to equal parent and carer as she was retired and capable. … The tension between us developed over time and I had to pull that role back, I could see cracks in her mental health and she really wanted to help me solve it. It was costing her too much and no one wants to make their mum breakdown …
Parent relationships and family breakdown
3.84Multiple submitters indicated that school refusal had created tension in their relationship with their partner. More than one submitter wrote about seeking family counselling, while another explained that the pressure and stress of school refusal had contributed to their separation from their partner. Indeed,marriage breakdown was identified as an impact of school refusal by 8.1 per cent of the 616 respondents to the HEN survey.
3.85One common source of tension between parents appeared to be the stress arising from the attempt to balance caring and work responsibilities. Often, one person took on the role of primary carer, which required them to devote the bulk of their time and energy to the affected child or children. At the same time, the other person became the primary income earner and sometimes worked long or additional hours, which meant they were unable to provide respite for their partner.
3.86As a result, the committee was told that parents ended up living essentially parallel lives, without any time or emotional energy to invest in their own relationship. As one client of Meg & Tara described:
The extra load on me is immense, I have to tutor and manage a child with dual disability, attend to my paid work (sometimes at the same time), coordinate his care across a number of practitioners, advocate and coordinate his administrative needs with school and somehow find time to just be a mother to him. Forget about being a partner to his father, that comes last.
3.87Another submitter described the strain on her relationship with her husband and described them as 'essentially co-workers in a very tough situation—with enormous pressure, stress and uncertainty'. Yet another submitter used a combat analogy to explain how she and her husband had lived under the same roof but 'almost separated' for a period of two years in order to 'keep the school battle in focus. I took charge of the field war and my husband worked hard, longer hours'.
3.88Evidence suggested that tensions could also arise when parents have differing views about school refusal and/or how best to respond. According to School Can't Australia, this can sometimes result from the uneven distribution of caring responsibilities, which means that 'one parent may be experiencing … all the difficulties and distress involved in school attendance difficulties while the other does not'.
3.89In other cases, one parent may blame the other for their child's school refusal. As one submitter wrote, 'my ex-husband blames me for our son's school refusal, is highly critical of my parenting and is completely unsupportive'.
The impact on schools and service providers
3.90The committee heard that school refusal was having a significant impact on schools and other service providers.
3.91Schools reported increasing pressure arising from the growing numbers of students experiencing school refusal. This included negative impacts on staff workloads and morale, as well as challenges relating to resource availability and allocation. Participants also noted that difficulties for schools had been exacerbated by shortages of health service providers, as well as the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.
3.92Meanwhile, health and specialist service providers reported an inability to meet the demand created by the growth in school refusal, as well as increased complexity of cases, particularly in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic.
3.93Overall, the situation was summarised by VSV, which described education and health systems as 'overwhelmed' by demand but at the same time 'bound by policy and models of practice that are unresponsive to the needs of young people and their families'.
Impact on schools
Staff workloads and morale
3.94A range of inquiry participants highlighted the desire of schools to support students experiencing school refusal—and the importance of doing so—and detailed the efforts that have been made in this area.
3.95However, participants also indicated that the increasing numbers of students experiencing school refusal was impacting teachers' workloads and affecting the ability of schools to meet student needs. As noted by Beyond Blue, this was occurring at a time when 'teachers' and school leaders' workloads are already high and are increasing'. This was supported by TripleP International, which noted that 'workloads, lack of time and teacher shortages are the major stressors of school leaders and principals in Australian schools'.
3.96A similar view was shared by the ASPA, which observed that teachers were increasingly expected to address rising levels of 'mental health, social and wellbeing issues', with subsequent impacts on their workload and stress levels:
For example, teachers are asked to teach self-regulation, mindfulness, consent, respectful relationships, within an already overcrowded curriculum. This contributes to teacher workload and the stress, let alone their need to be continually upskilled in how to address the mental health and wellbeing issues of students they teach.
3.97In addition, the Australian Parents Council argued that schools, principals and teachers were 'stretched, exhausted and disenfranchised' and unable to cope with 'the increasing demands of meeting the academic, social and emotional well-being of their students'. Likewise, Professor Jennie Hudson of the Black Dog Institute (BDI) noted that burnout was a 'significant issue' for teachers, given how much they are asked to do.
3.98The pressure on teachers was also noted in evidence given by DrMatthewHarrison of the Melbourne Graduate School of Education Disability Research Collaboration at the University of Melbourne:
As a teacher, I know that you feel as though you get asked to solve every social issue, and there are only so many hours in the day. You are marking homework at 10 pm at night and you are getting ready to teach the next day. Most teachers … spend many weekends getting ready for the next school week and catching up on admin tasks …
3.99As well as the impact of school refusal on teacher workloads, the Queensland Catholic Education Commission reported an increase—both in terms of volume and complexity—in the caseloads of school counsellors, psychologists and guidance officers.
3.100Some specialist schools reported that the increased demand for support meant they were having to turn students away. For example, at the David Scott School (DSS), an independent school for disadvantaged young people run by BLS, the number of enquiries received rose by 165 per cent between 2021 and 2022—to 319—with only 49 places available.
3.101According to VSV, which enrols a significant number of students experiencing entrenched school refusal, this has a negative impact on the morale of school staff:
Despite our efforts, engagement and participation levels are low for many students, reflecting the entrenched disengagement and refusal histories of many students when they come to us. Over the last two years, the toll this has taken on staff has become more and more evident. Levels of frustration, fatigue and signs of vicarious trauma are growing.
Resource allocation
3.102The resource intensive nature of addressing school refusal, particularly using highly individualised approaches, was highlighted by education providers, including specialist education provider, VSV, which described the investment made by its staff (see Box 3.1).
Box 3.1 Case Study: Virtual School Victoria (VSV) VSV provides education for a range of students, including young people with chronic physical and mental health circumstances that make it difficult to attend mainstream schooling. The 'Medical Social Emotional' category attracts parents and carers whose children have struggled to engage or succeed in physical school settings. This category has shown the strongest growth over recent years, with an increase of 61.5 per cent between 2019 and 2022. At VSV, each teacher has a pastoral care role as Learning Advisor (LA) for a small group of students. The school invests three hours work time each week for each LA to focus on engagement, connection, communication, and support for each student. For students with complex school refusal histories, the time required to undo the negative experiences of the past and successfully build this relationship far exceeds the time allocated but is vital work if the student is to become 'learning ready'. As subject teachers and course writers, VSV staff also develop reasonable adjustments and differentiation to curriculum in online classes and through asynchronous course work to accommodate disparate learning needs. VSV investment in specialist Wellbeing, Inclusion, Engagement and Learning staff underpins its support for students and families, as well as the capacity building and professional learning supports (such as our trauma informed practice) of the wider staff team. VSV employs multi-disciplinary teams to support case coordination, liaise with referring practitioners, and develop and deliver Individual Education Plans. VSV's Engagement team have provided individual case plans supports to 200 students and provided guidance to staff on many more. |
3.103Against this backdrop, Carers ACT argued that 'many schools simply do not have the funding or staffing to provide the specialised services and support that these children need'. Similarly, The Therapy Place noted that some requirements—such as a higher ratio of staffing that can be needed in cases of school refusal—can be 'mostly impossible' for schools to provide.
3.104According to a number of submitters, the resourcing challenge is heightened by the growing number of students experiencing school refusal. ASPA explained that even where schools have dedicated wellbeing teams or wellbeing and mental health leaders, they are 'not financed to address this increasing challenge'. The impact of increased demand was illustrated by the BSL, which explained how meeting this demand at the DSS had come at a cost:
BSL's alternative school setting, DSS, has doubled the size of the wellbeing team between 2019 and 2022 to accommodate the increase in demand. With limited budgets for support services most schools make decisions about which support services are most needed. At DSS, the direction of resources into the wellbeing team comes at the cost of being able to direct resources into other areas such as education support.
3.105In addition to the increase in overall numbers, ISA also noted that school resources were being impacted significantly by the increasing 'intensity and complexities of student needs and circumstances'.
3.106For schools within disadvantaged communities, which may lack the ability to fundraise or attract donations, resourcing can be a particular issue. MrsElizabeth Robinson explained that a lack of resources may foster sub‑optimal approaches, particularly within difficult school settings that can struggle to attract and retain effective staff:
The area where I live and worked is classified as quite low socio-economic community ... In general the state schools were significantly underfunded, leaving them having to apply funding where they might best achieve some success. For many of the children … the easiest solution was to initially isolate them in a Special Ed or Support unit, and then ask the parent to remove them from the school temporarily. Sometimes this started in their first week … so an expectation was formed. I noted … a tendency to employ underqualified/experienced support workers and experts. Rarely did I see a School Chaplain who was sufficiently skilled to work with the most complex of students.
3.107However, various submitters noted that a school's ability to provide effective, individualised support for students also relied on factors such as school leadership, and the skills and knowledge of school staff. To this end, the committee heard concerns about staff capacity and training in relation to school refusal and its underlying causes.
Impact of health workforce shortages
3.108In addition to the increasing number of students requiring help, difficulties in accessing external health services was identified as another factor contributing to increased pressure on schools.
3.109Triple P International explained that long wait times for professional help have amplified the strain on schools, 'who are on the front line dealing with child anxiety'.Similarly, CSPWA suggested that a lack of access to professional help placed schools 'somewhat in the firing line':
With an issue like school refusal, parents are more likely to go to the school for assistance and where there is a certain amount they can do, they too often don't have the resources to employ multiple psychologists.
3.110Parallel with the increased demand for in-school support, VSV pointed out that schools face difficulties recruiting wellbeing and inclusion staff due to the 'short fall of professionals trained and available for work due to the demand for their skills.' Workforce shortages were also highlighted by the BDI, which noted that only four per cent of primary schools in New South Wales have a counsellor on site each day. The BDI also stated that while 3000 psychologists are employed in school settings, the ratio of psychologists to students varies across states and territories.
3.111In addition, ISA noted that long waiting times for professional services can make it hard for schools to maintain ongoing contact with mental health providers, which, in turn, added to schools' difficulties in determining appropriate next steps for students and their families.
Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic
3.112Many participants observed that the COVID-19 pandemic had amplified issues for schools in relation to school refusal. BSL for instance, explained that it had moved to establish an outreach service to respond to the 'high numbers of disengaged students and the school refusals since COVID'.
3.113Similarly, ISA stated that after the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, there were more requests from schools seeking help to support students with attendance‑related issues. It also noted that, for those students, there had been an increase in the complexity of their needs.
3.114The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on students and schools was also highlighted by a parent who identified the downstream effects of the pandemic as: a higher number of under-supported students, teachers who were 'beyond exhausted'—as a result of implementing remote learning and dealing with staff shortages—and schools that were concerned about the social and academic development of their students.
3.115Multiple submitters acknowledged that many students struggled with both the move to online learning and then the return to face-to-face learning. Forschools, this presented a range of challenges. For example, Mrs Robyn Thorpe argued that schools did not have the capacity or opportunity to re-establish norms and provide appropriate student supports:
Schools were never afforded the time, resources or staff during or post the pandemic as they faced a critical teacher shortage and a lack of resourcing and funding to re-establish routines and norms for learning and to provide the right mental health and wellbeing interventions.
3.116However, it was put to the committee that some young people thrived in the online learning environment. Mr Mark Breckenridge of ASPA observed that some students were now questioning why they needed to return to the physical school environment. A desire by some students to continue with online learning was also reported by ISA, which referred to a 'slight upturn in the number of families requesting a continuation of learning from home for their child'.
3.117Some witnesses, such as Mrs Kristie de Brenni of the Queensland Pathways State College, cautioned that the full impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic are yet to be seen, particularly in specialist schools such as hers, given that 'mainstream schools are still trying to do everything that they can for these kids before they pass them on to us'.
Impact on other service providers
3.118A range of participants reported an increase in demand for school refusal support services, with at least some of the demand appearing to be driven by the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. For example, the CatholicCare Diocese of Broken Bay (CCDBB) reported an increased number of families dealing with school refusal, while the School Refusal Clinic stated that it had 'grown exponentially to meet the increasing rates of school refusal that have arisen from ongoing school closures'.
3.119The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on service demand was also noted by the BSL, which pointed to the significant wait times for health services as evidence the pandemic had 'compounded the demand on a support system which was already under strain and inadequate'. Other impacts of the COVID‑19 pandemic on service providers were identified by Whitelion Youth, including increased emergency relief provision and higher rates of staff absence due to 'mental and emotional exhaustion', which sometimes 'led to an increase in tensions and negative feelings in relationships across community services'.
3.120According to the Centre for Excellence in Child and Family Welfare (Centre for Excellence CFW), some of the increase in demand for support was coming from schools, which 'urgently require assistance with school refusal'.
3.121This appeared to be borne out by the experience of Whitelion Youth, which works with at‑risk young people. Whitelion Youth indicated that in addition to supporting entry into schools, its workers were providing 'a lot of explanation about service referrals' as well as skill-based learning to help parents, carers and schools 'understand the reason behind school refusal'.
3.122The committee was told that in some cases, the increased demand was stretching service provider capacity beyond its limits. The Centre for Excellence CFW observed that although some organisations had developed additional family support programs, they lacked the 'resources, including staff and funding, to meet the demand these programs are experiencing'. The strain on providers was also highlighted by the School Refusal Clinic, which referred to the three-month waiting list for its own services but also noted that 'many other mental health services providers have even longer waiting periods'.
3.123It was suggested to the committee that the increase in referrals involving school refusal was also leading providers to enhance their own understanding of the issue. For example, ReachOut instituted 'regular group supervision' for its coaches around school refusal to help develop specialised skills and knowledge to support parents. Similarly, the CCDBB reported that it had sought out additional school refusal training and resources. However, while the CCDBB viewed training as helpful, it also emphasised that it did not negate the 'existing capacity issues within the family support sector'.
3.124In addition to growing numbers of referrals involving school refusal, evidence provided to the inquiry also suggested that provider capacity was also being challenged by the complexity of referrals. For example, the CCDBB noted that interventions now remain with caseworkers for longer and require more intensive coordination, which is 'reducing the capacity of an already stretched family support sector model'.
3.125The increased complexity of cases was also highlighted by the Centre for Excellence CFW which reported that following the lockdowns in Victoria, service providers saw an increase in demand for school refusal programs, as well as an increase in the complexity of cases and the intensity of school avoidance behaviours.
3.126For some providers, referrals for school refusal support are being made too late for them to provide adequate support. For example, Interrelate highlighted an increase in referrals being made when school refusal was already 'in crisis mode'. For an early intervention service like Interrelate, this means they are simply unable to provide the support that families require:
As an early intervention service, we have not had capacity to be able to provide support to families where school refusal is entrenched due to having only a short amount of time to intervene with clients in our caseload (e.g. working one hour with a young person per week), in accordance with the operational and funding guidelines.
3.127While Interrelate attempted to provide appropriate onward referral pathways for families, it stated that its ability to do this was limited by its own resources, as well as a lack of capacity and expertise in the broader support sector.
3.128The Centre for Excellence CFW noted that the shortage of health service providers—especially in rural and regional areas—had also increased the workload of providers in the child and family services sector. The impact of this shortage was also raised by the CCDBB, which contended that families' progress could be stymied by a lack of timely access to health professionals.