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| Additional Cask of Wine | Additional Carton of Beer | |
| Additional Hospital Admissions | 14-25 | 74 |
| Additional Assaults | 16-20 | 77 |
Mr David Crosbie from the Alcohol and other Drugs Council of Australia (ACDA) also presented evidence that highlighted major concerns with cask wine. He presented evidence that, in communities where patterns of drinking are largely concentrated on binge and dependent drinking, there is a huge consumption of cask wine. Mr Crosbie outlined evidence from a Northern Territory Community,
What you can see is that a relatively small population of 35,000 people, most of whom of course do not drink cask wine, in the quarter from 1 April to 30 June consumed 351,000 litres of cask wine. What you are talking about there across a year, obviously, is about 1.4 million litres. That is roughlywe tend to talk in thousands of casks sold a weekmore than 6,000 four-litre casks being sold each week to that population of less than 35,000.
Secondly, the WET is the proposal that the Parliament is to consider in this package of bills. While the Greens (WA) and the Australian Greens would like a more comprehensive review of alcohol tax on the basis of public health considerations, this is not a persuasive argument for not moving in the right direction in relation to taxation associated with wine.
Indeed, the experience of the States and Territories using their licence fees on beer based on alcohol content provides evidence that even a small step in the right direction can have positive health and social outcomes.
According to David Crosbie of the ADCA, the excise differentiation in States and Territories,
was one of the key catalysts for the production of quality low-alcohol beers. I think the production of quality low-alcohol beers and their overt marketingbecause profit margins are there at a lower pricehas contributed to saving hundreds of lives on Australian roads [15].
Considering cask wine is associated with significant public health issues, the Greens (WA) and the Australian Greens believe that it is crucial that taxation associated with wine leads the way for further reform of alcohol taxation on a broader basis. Moreover, it is not necessarily the case that a change towards a volumetric taxation system that focuses on alcohol content will increase the overall tax impost on the wine industry.
The Government's WET proposal fails to recognise that the taxation system can be utilised to affect positive health and safety outcomes. The WET proposal continues the current that is not structured in a way that could encourage less consumption or the consumption of low alcohol beverages.
The major concern expressed was that the WET continued anomalies in the current system, which result in the level of taxation per standard drink varying across different brands and varieties.
For instance, based on recommended retail prices in the Australasian Food and Beverage Guide, September 1998 [16], the following variation in taxation of alcohol content currently occurs.
| Product | Price of Standard Drink |
| Cask Wine | 7 cents for an $11 cask |
| Bottled Wine | 32 cents for an $11 bottle |
| Standard Alcohol Beer (4.8%) | 29 cents |
| Low Alcohol Beer (2.7%) | 38 cents |
The result is that cheap cask wine is being taxed at a fifth of the level applied to low alcohol beers.
It is clear that there is a strong nexus between increases in prices of alcohol and reduction in consumption rates. Consequently, a taxation system that influences the price of alcohol is highly likely to affect the amount and type of alcohol consumption and abuse.
Mr David Crosbie from the Alcohol and other Drugs Council of Australia (ADCA) noted that there have been a range of internationally acclaimed studies that establish a direct connection between higher prices and less consumption:
we are aware from studies all around the world that pricing directly impacts on consumption. People who would suggest to the contrary are flying in the face of over 53 international studies which have been reviewed by the World Health Organisation and other organisations. In almost every case, for every product, as price goes up, consumption of that product goes down in relation to alcohol. Perhaps more importantly, the people who reduce their alcohol consumption the most are the people who are dependent users. That is, people who are already spending as much as they can afford to spend on alcohol tend to buy less alcohol [17]. (Emphasis added).
Indeed, the ADCA highlighted the experience of the States and Territories differentiating their licence fees on beer based on alcohol content, further demonstrating that pricing significantly affects consumption.
Mark Schneider, the campaign director of the Alcohol Advisory Council of Western Australia supported the ADCA's comments on the range of positive health and social impacts, that have been used by the Northern Territory, that resulted from using economic instruments to increase the price of alcohol,
Faced with an enormous drug problems, particularly among the Aboriginal Community, in the form of full strength beer and cask wine, the Northern Territory Government introduced a health levy on those products, which resulted in an 18% reduction in alcohol consumption per head. There was a 30% reduction in alcohol-related road deaths, a 31% reduction in alcohol-related road accidents and a 29% reduction in the average number of breath-test results over the legal limits [18].
The strong evidence supporting the price consumption nexus provides strong support for a volumetric based tax that would encourage the production and promotion of low alcohol wine and less consumption of wine as a whole in the community.
Despite the strong arguments that a volumetric tax on alcohol would be positive for the health of Australians, there is an argument that it would hurt the wine industry as a whole.
The WFA came to the conclusion that it would support an ad valorem tax and reject a volumetric tax although acknowledging that a volumetric tax would assist premium wine producers and consumers. The WFA came to this policy position after commissioning research by the Centre for International Economic Studies (CIES) at the University of Adelaide on the implications of alternative wine tax options being considered in the context of tax reform.
The results of this research clearly showed that a switch from the current ad valorem wine tax to a volumetric tax which raises the same government revenue would harm the industry as a whole and especially the non-premium sector, even though it would help the premium wine producers and consumers [19].
Dr Gladstones scrutinised this CIES study in terms of its validity and implications for South Australia and concluded that there were serious flaws in the study [20]. He noted two primary flaws.
The first is that there is an inconsistency between two publications of the report and citing of statistics from the earlier (and presumably least revised) publication.
One of the puzzling things is that it is published in two places: firstly, as a kind of preliminary publication and later in a journal in what appears to be a more revised and perhaps more considered form. There is quite a deal of conflict between the two. The Winemakers Federation cite the initial figures which are at variance with the later revised figures. It happens that the initial figures are more favourable to ad valorem and less favourable to volumetric, whereas the revised figures show a considerably different story [21].
The second is that the study contains some typographical errors that greatly exaggerate the negative impacts of a volumetric tax on South Australia. Dr Gladstones noted that these errors had not been publicly acknowledged.
After reviewing the study, Dr Gladstones conclusions were that the macro economic effects of an ad valorum or a volumetric tax were similar. However, contrary to what the WFA are saying,
South Australia has something to gain out of volumetric taxation as opposed to the rest of Australia, contrary to what South Australians are being led to believe [22].
This position has also been put forward by the Independent Wineries Association [23]. They have noted that South Australia produces the greatest volume of valuable wine compared to other states and produces more bottled wine by value than cask or bulk wine. Consequently, South Australia will be a winner from a move to a volumetric tax.
The Greens (WA) and the Australian Greens conclude that a volumetric tax is the preferable basis for the taxation of alcohol, including wine. The Greens (WA) and the Australian Greens believe that a volumetric tax will have positive outcome for public health and safety as well as for the wine industry and consumers.
RECOMMENDATION
That the Bills be amended to effect a volumetric tax for wine and related products.
The Greens (WA) have a number of concerns in relation to these Bills [24].
In relation to Bills relating to Commonwealth-State Financial Relations the concerns relate to the following issues.
The Greens (WA) acknowledge that there is a certain amount of constitutional uncertainty surround the whole of the ANTS package. However, in relation to the ANTS (Commonwealth-State Financial Arrangements) Bill 1999 (the Financial Arrangements Bill), the issue of constitutionality relates to the mechanism to lock in the rate of the GST and whether this mechanism falls foul of either section 1 or 55 of the Constitution.
There are two issues surrounding the mechanism used to lock in the rate of the GST.
George Williams Locking in the GST Rate [25] indicated that these clauses would in fact be unconstitutional as they attempt to bind a future parliament.
[T]he Parliament could not require a subsequent Parliament to gain the consent of the States and Territories before enacting a change in the rate of GST. Section 1 of the Constitution defines the legislative power of the Commonwealth, stating that it `shall be vested in a Federal Parliament, which shall consist of the Queen, a Senate, and a House of Representatives'. This is inconsistent with any attempt to vest legislative power or a right of veto in any other body or person, such as the States or Territories.
This is reinforced by in dicta from the decision of McHugh J in Chu Kheng Lim v Immigration Minister (1992) [26]
There is no principle of statutory interpretation which requires a later Act to be consistent with an earlier enactment. Given that Parliament cannot bind its future legislative power, it would be unconstitutional for such a principle of statutory interpretation to be adopted. Moreover, there is no principle of statutory interpretation that an Act is invalid if it has the unforeseen consequence of repealing an earlier Act.
Consequently, it seems that while the legislative assurances of `locking in the rate' may provide some assurances that the rate will be politically difficult to increase, there is no legal basis to lock in the rate.
The first paragraph of section 55 states (among other things) that laws imposing taxation shall deal only with the imposition of taxation. The effect of this requirement was summarised by Fullagar J in Re Dymond (1959) 101 CLR 11 at 18 as follows:
By reason of the provisions of s 55 it has been the invariable practice since the establishment of the Commonwealth, when Parliament has proposed to levy a tax on any subject of taxation, to pursue that object by means of two separate Acts, the one of which actually imposes the tax and fixes the rate of tax, and the other of which provides for the incidence, assessment, and collection, of the tax and for a variety of incidental matters. It is common to refer to the latter Act as the Assessment Act, and to the former as the Taxing Act.
The question goes to the status of the ANTS (Commonwealth-State Financial Arrangements) Bill 1999 (the Financial Arrangements Bill), and whether subclause 10(1) offended against the first paragraph of section 55 as a law imposing taxation.
Proposed subclause 10(1) of the Financial Arrangements Bill states (among other things) that the rate of the GST, and the GST base, are not to be changed unless each State agrees to the change. Proposed clause 11 defines rate of the GST as the rate specified in the GST Imposition Acts.
There are two possible arguments in relation to this issue. The first is contained in a research note provided by the Senate Procedure Office,
it is difficult to characterise this provision as a law imposing taxation for the purposes of section 55. Rather, it seems to be a law that requires certain preconditions to be met before a rate of tax imposed under another Act can be changed.
Bernard Pulle of the Parliamentary Library [27] argues the other possible argument that,
A `law imposing taxation' may include conditions; for example a tax is imposed on condition that a Minister is satisfied of such-and-such. Lane cites the case of Nott Bros & Co Ltd v Buckley (1925) [28] (Nott) in taking the view that a law imposing taxation may include conditions.
If Nott is followed, proposed subclause 10(1), being an important condition in changing the rate of GST, may be a law imposing taxation for the purposes of section 55 of the Constitution.
If proposed subclause 10(1) is in fact a law imposing taxation, then all other provisions in the Bill would be rendered invalid. This would include those aspects of the Bill dealing with changing the base of the GST, the distribution of the GST revenue to the States by way of grants and the appropriation made to effect the distributions.
While the issue is clearly not resolved, the Greens (WA) have concerns that the Government has not provided any evidence of legal advice on this issue.
RECOMMENDATION
That the Government provide copies of any legal advice that the Government has received on the issue of constitutionality of this Bill and other Bills relating to the ANTS package.
The Greens (WA) and the Australian Greens share the concerns expressed by a number of local government associations.
The transfer to the states of the responsibility for direct funding of FAGS to local government is a major concern. Councillor Campbell representing the Australian Local Government Association commented that this transfer was an abrogation of Commonwealth responsibilities for national standards of local services [29]. He also expressed concern that some states may inflict unfavourable treatment on local government.
There is a real risk of unfavourable treatment of local government at the hands of some states in the future.
Mr Mikel of the Western Australia Municipal Association wholeheartedly supported these concerns [30].
The local government associations also have concerns that the guarantee by the Government that the quantum of FAGs will be indexed in real terms per capita and the current distribution methodology cannot be sustained. They are concerned that there are a number of measures that the states can impose to erode the value of the guarantee such as the States potentially imposing additional taxes and levies to raise revenue, or the possibility of the States passing responsibilities to Local Government without compensation.
Regardless of potential erosion, local government associations are concerned that the transfer will keep local government financial assistance at historically low levels with a real increase in per capita funding at best. Councillor Campbell commented,
There has been a lack of attention to future adequacy of local government means to meet increased demand and need for local services. We note that the states, as a result of the rearrangements, are going to get a growth tax. There is no proposal here for our fair share of a growth tax coming to local government [31].
On an issue of process, the Greens (WA) and the Australian Greens are concerned that local government has consistently been denied access to the Premiers conference to be able to argue their case in that forum.
In light of the crucial role Local Government plays in maintaining local services and communities, the Greens (WA) have serious concerns about the implications of these Bills for local government.
RECOMMENDATION
The responsibilities for FAGS remain with the Commonwealth and that Local Government is guaranteed adequate funding to provide community services.
SENATOR DEE MARGETTS SENATOR BOB BROWN
SENATOR FOR WESTERN AUSTRALIA SENATOR FOR TASMANIA
THE GREENS (WA) THE AUSTRALIAN GREENS
APPENDIX A
NOTICE OF MOTION
13 April 1999
Ms Putt on tomorrow to move
That this House;
(i) recognises that most of Tasmania's wineries aresmall wineries who are a vital part of Tasmania's small business sector providing employment, local cash flow, bringing in tourism dollars, export dollars and contributing to a positive image of Western Australia both locally and overseas
(ii) is deeply concerned that the Federal Government's tax reform package containing an `ad valorem' tax on wine may destroy Tasmania's small wineries and believe that a `volumetric' tax would be both preferable and more equitable; and
(iii) accordingly resolve to notify the Prime Minister, Federal Treasurer and all Tasmanian Representatives in the Federal Parliament of the Tasmanian Parliament's opposition to the `ad valorem' wine tax and requesting them not to support such a tax measure but to instead pursue a volumetric tax measure.
As amended by the Opposition Party.
APPENDIX B
NOTICE OF MOTION
The Hon Dr Christine Sharp MLC
The Greens (WA)
20 April 1999
On the next day of sitting I will move that -
This House;
(i) Recognise that the majority of Western Australia's wineries are small wineries who are a vital part of Western Australia's small business sector providing employment, enhancing local economies, attracting greater tourism dollars and contributing to a positive image of Western Australia as a quality wine producing region.
(ii) Is deeply concerned that the Federal Government's tax reform package containing an `ad valorem' tax on wine may destroy Western Australia's small wineries and believe that a `volumetric' tax would be both preferable and more equitable; and
Appendix C
[1] A New Tax System (Wine Equalisation Tax) Bill 1999, A New Tax System (Wine Equalisation Tax Imposition - General) Bill 1999, A New Tax System (Wine Equalisation Tax Imposition - Customs) Bill 1999, A New Tax System (Wine Equalisation Tax Imposition - Excise) Bill 1999.
[2] page 3
[3] Submission to the Senate Committee on A New Tax System, Submission No 938, page 38
[4] Letter, 13 April 1999.
[5]Letter, 9 April 1999.
[6] Letter, 19 March 1999.
[7] Submission to the Senate Select Committee on A New Tax System, Vineyards Association of Tasmania Inc., Submission No 84, Executive Summary.
[8] English et al, (1995) The quantification of drug caused morbidity and mortality in Australia, 1995 ed. Canberra, Commonwealth Department of Human Services and Health, Canberra.
[9] Makkai, T (1993) The 1993 National Household Survey Report Series Volume 3, Drugs, Anti social Behaviour and Policy Choices, Canberra, Looking Glass Press.
[10] Ireland, S and Thommeny JL, (1993) The crime cocktail: Licensed Premises, Alcohol and Street Offences. Drug and Alcohol Review, 12(2) pp143-150.
[11] Evidence to the Senate Select Committee on A New Tax System, 25 February 1999.
[12] Submission to the Senate Select Committee on A New Tax System, Submission No 938, page 67.
[13] Submission to the Senate Select Committee on A New Tax System, The National Centre for Research into the Prevention of Drug Abuse, page 3.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Evidence to the Senate Select Committee on a New Tax System, 18 March 1999.
[16] Submission to the Senate Select Committee on A New Tax System, The National Centre for Research into the Prevention of Drug Abuse, , page 3.
[17] Evidence to the Senate Select Committee on a New Tax System, 18 March 1999.
[18] The Australian 9 April 1999 page 13.
[19] Submission to the Senate Select Committee on A New Tax System, Winemakers' Federation of Australia Submission No. 938, pp. 27-29.
[20] Evidence to Senate Select Committee on A New Tax System, 25 February 1999.
[21] Dr Gladstones, Evidence to Senate Select Committee on A New Tax System, 25 February 1999.
[22] Ibid
[23] Supplementary Submission to the Senate Select Committee on a New Tax System, page 2.
[24] A New Tax System (Luxury Car Tax ImpositionCustoms) Bill 1999, A New Tax System (Luxury Car Tax ImpositionExcise) Bill 1999, A New Tax System (Luxury Car Tax ImpositionGeneral) Bill 1999, A New Tax System (Commonwealth-State Financial Arrangements) Bill 1999, A New Tax System (Commonwealth-State Financial Arrangements Consequential Provisions) Bill 1999.
[25] Research Note for Parliamentary Library, 9 February 1999.
[26] 176 CLR 1 at pp. 74-75 where a 1992 Commonwealth Act pre-empted a 1986 Commonwealth Act.
[27] Bills Digest, A New Tax System (Commonwealth - State Financial Arrangements) Bill 1999
[28] 36 CLR 20, 25-26.
[29] Evidence to the Senate Select Committee on A New Tax System, 3 March 1999.
[30] Evidence to the Senate Select Committee on A New Tax System, 25 February 1999.
[31]Evidence to the Senate Select Committee on A New Tax System, 3 March 1999.