The Electoral System
Both the Scottish and Welsh parliaments are elected
using a system of proportional representation. Their chambers comprise
representatives of single-member constituencies elected using first-past-the-post
voting, as well as list members, chosen using a form of proportional
voting that 'compensates' parties that received fewer seats than votes
in the single-member constituencies.
The result is that the Scottish and Welsh chambers
have a membership that, like the New Zealand Parliament, closely reflects
the proportion of votes received by the parties. Both Scotland
and Wales have four major parties
and a number of minor parties.
The 1999 Elections
Labour was most successful in the inaugural elections,
as it was in the UK general
election two years earlier, but could not achieve a majority of seats.
This resulted in coalition governments between Labour and the Liberal
Democrats in both jurisdictions, though not before a year of unstable
minority Labour government in Wales.(1)
A distinctive feature in both Wales
and Scotland has been the failure
of the Conservative Party to emerge as the main opposition force. In
both cases, the nationalist parties (the Scottish National Party (SNP)
and Plaid Cymru (PC)) were the biggest winners
after Labour in 1999 (Figure 1).
The Issues
The 2003 Scottish and Welsh elections were overshadowed
by the war in Iraq. Just weeks
before the polls, there was no sign of an imminent election campaign,
and no media discussion of the parties or the likely results.
In fact, the biggest issue in Scotland
looked to be the war itself. Although the devolved parliaments have
no foreign affairs role, this did not prevent the Scottish Parliament
debating motions on Iraq. The
debate caused significant divisions within the Labour party less than
two months before the election. Several Labour Members defied their
party to support an anti-war motion moved by one of their own party
members.(2) The motion almost succeeded, failing by just
57 votes to 62.(3)
A few days later, Scottish Labour's trouble was compounded
by an equally bitter row between the party and the unions at the Scottish
Labour conference.(4)
These difficulties, together with public opposition
to the war, raised the possibility that Scottish Labour would suffer
in the elections, particularly since every other party except the Conservatives
opposed the war.
The Welsh election had no major themes; rather, the
war, economic development, service delivery and party leadership were
all issues in different local areas and for different parties.
As in virtually every country with non-compulsory
voting, turnout was itself a political issue, with the Labour Party
in particular urging its supporters not to stay at home on polling day.
The Results
Figures 2 and 3 show the results for the two regional
parliaments. Labour gained enough ground in Wales
to govern alone.(5) In Scotland,
Labour and the Liberal Democrats retained enough seats to govern in
coalition. The Conservatives made no significant gains in either parliament.
Voter turnout declined, in Scotland
from just over 58 per cent in 1999 to around 49.5 per cent in 2003,
and in Wales from 46 per cent
to 38 per cent.
The most remarkable result was that the Welsh Assembly
became the first parliament in the world to achieve 50 per cent female
representation. It also produced a cabinet the majority of whom were
female.(6)
Analysis
A detailed
analysis of the Scottish result is available from the Scottish Parliamentary
Information Centre.(7)
A swift result in the war in Iraq
meant Labour took less of a beating than initially anticipated. Nevertheless,
Labour lost seats to the war's harshest critics in Scotland.
The standout performers were the Scottish Socialist Party and the Greens,
between them gaining 11 seats to hold 13 in the new Parliament. In Wales,
where the war had not been as much of an election issue, Labour actually
gained two seats. This may also have been because nationalist support
was weaker in Wales, lessening
the swing against Labour.
The decline in turnout appeared to assist the minor
parties. As turnout falls, parties with small numbers of highly motivated
followers seem to gain at the expense of parties that rely on a broad
base of less committed supporters. The effect is most evident where
elections are based on proportional representation. The implication
for the Australian Senate, if voters behaved as they did in Scotland,
would be that voluntary voting might strengthen the position of minor
parties in the Senate.
Nationalist parties suffered the most in these elections.
In both regions, they lost ground to those on the left. Welsh Labour
explicitly and successfully positioned itself to the left of Tony
Blair.(8) In Scotland,
nationalist losses were almost entirely picked up by the Socialists
and the Greens. Both results suggest an electorate focused on social
issues and service delivery, rather than on the autonomy of the jurisdiction
doing the delivering. The electorate appeared to favour messages from
the left rather than the right on social issues (reflected also in the
Liberal Democrats' good performance in the UK
election of 2001). It may be that, as devolution beds down, the nationalist
parties that fought for it are having trouble showing their relevance
in the new parliaments.
Endnotes