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Institutional
Welfare System
An institutional welfare system is one in which the costs
of the risks of the market place (e.g. unemployment) and other
needs (e.g. health care) are accepted as social costs. In an
institutionalised welfare state, welfare services (including
health services) tend to be provided for the population as a
whole, in the same way as public services like roads or schools
might be. In an institutional system, welfare is not just for
the poor or needy: it is for all citizens. |
Residual
Welfare Systems
Within a residual welfare system welfare provision is considered
to be a safety net, available only to those defined within the
policy context as most in need, usually when the market or family
has failed. |
The primary objection to universal welfare provision is the cost. Universal services are considered to be poorly targeted because they do not focus assistance to those most in need. There are of course other objections forwarded from an individualist or classical liberal philosophical position. Selectivity is often presented as being more efficient because (it is argued that) less money is spent to better effect. Clearly there are also problems with selective services. For instance because recipients have to be identified, such services can be administratively complex and expensive to run, they can contribute towards the creation of poverty traps and erode political support for the welfare state. Moreover, selective welfare services sometimes fail to reach the people most in need.
If we define universal health
care as equal access for every Australian to bulk billing, then the
current national health insurance system, Medicare, cannot be considered
as universal. This is because there is no guarantee in either policy
documents or legislation that all of those eligible for Medicare will
have access to bulk billing. Moreover, there is currently no way that
any Commonwealth government could guarantee universal access to bulk
billing. The 'civil conscription' clause in the Australian constitution
prevents a national government from coercing or conscripting medical
doctors; in lay terms: the government cannot force doctors to bulk bill.
The civil conscription clause has been the most significant barrier
to the creation of a national health system in
Indeed it was the civil
conscription clause that prompted the Labor Government, under the leadership
of
The quality and courtesy of medical attention differ very greatly according to one's capacity or willingness to pay. The fear of debt deters many people from seeking medical attention sufficiently early or undergoing a full course of treatment. The fear of ill health is the greatest economic hazard in our community. The present constitutional position is quite unsatisfactory in which the Commonwealth has to pay more and more for the running of hospitals and still has no say in running them, patients are unable to afford medical and hospital treatment and the medical profession participates in any scheme only on its own terms.(2)
To circumvent the constitution, Medibank (on which Medicare was based) was developed as a national health insurance scheme. Thus the Medibank, and now Medicare, rebates are payments to patients not doctors, and bulk billing is one of the mechanisms through which that 'insurance' payment can be made directly to medical practitioners by the government.
Consequently bulk billing has never been universal and the constitution has so far prohibited any national government from making it universal.
Although bulk billing is not universal, Medicare itself has always been characterised as a universal health insurance system. The reason for this characterisation is that the two cornerstones of Medicare are based on universal access and insurance for those covered by Medicare. These are:
Leaving aside the issue of access to public hospital treatment, Medicare does not guarantee universal access to GPs or other medical practitioners. However, it does guarantee universal access to the Medicare rebate.
While bulk billing may not be universally available, it is a key plank of the Medicare system. Certainly it could be argued that one of the primary aims of Medicare was to promote bulk billing by doctors and thus promote the de-commodification of health services. That is, the take up of bulk billing by GPs was seen as a way of breaking the nexus between access to health services and capacity to pay. The steady increase in the percentage of Medicare services bulk billed from the introduction of Medicare in 1984 until 1996 provides some evidence that bulk billing was seen as a central and important component of the Medicare system. Other evidence of bulk billing's importance for the national health insurance system, Medicare, is provided in various statements and speeches made by the Labor government during the 1980s. (4)
Despite the importance of
bulk billing to Medicare; a decline in bulk billing does not necessarily
challenge the universality of Medicare. As noted above, it is the Medicare
rebate that is universal not bulk billing. However, it can equally be
argued that a decline in bulk billing contributes to the creation and
widening of health inequalities. Without easy access to bulk billing,
access to medical services increasingly relies on an individual's capacity
to pay rather than on their health needs. Consequently the quote from
Whitlam's 1957
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