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Is There an Ethnic Electorate Effect on Representation? Evidence from
the 1993 Australian Candidate Study
Dr Gianni Zappalà
Politics and Public Administration Group
20 October 1997
Contents
Major Issues Summary
Introduction
Data and method
Activity in an ethnic organisation
Ethnicity of the electorate and representatives'
attitudes and behaviour towards constituency work
Candidate beliefs with respect to constituency work
Member behaviour with respect to constituency work
Time spent on constituents' problems
Attendance at local community functions
Candidate attitudes to ethnic related issues
Conclusion
Endnotes
References
Recent studies have suggested that the ethnic composition of the
electorate which Members of Parliament (MPs) represent may an be an
important factor in determining representatives' attitudes and behaviour.
For instance, 'ethnic electorates' in Australia also tend to be lower
than non-ethnic electorates in socio-economic terms (e.g. income and occupation),
and constituents from such electorates often place more demands on their
MPs because they face greater problems with issues such as unemployment
or social security. This may mean that MPs have to adopt a constituency
focus whether they wish to or not. Studies have also shown that in assessing
their MPs, ethnic minorities tend to place greater importance on their
MPs' approach to constituency work than their approach to particular policy
issues or how they vote in Parliament. In the Australian context, for
instance, a great deal of representatives' time in ethnic electorates
is spent dealing with the immigration problems of their ethnic constituents.
In brief, it is reasonable to assume that candidates or Members from 'ethnic
electorates' may firstly place greater importance on the constituency
face of representation (as opposed to the parliamentary face), and secondly,
may spend more time on constituency related activities.
This paper examines whether there was an 'ethnic electorate effect'
on candidate attitudes and behaviour in Australia by analysing responses
to the 1993 Australian Candidate Study (ACS). It does this by examining
whether candidates' responses on several relevant issues varied according
to whether they stood for, or were an incumbent Member in, one of three
broad 'electorate types': ethnic electorates, non-ethnic urban electorates,
or (non-ethnic) rural electorates.
Four main aspects of representational behaviour are explored. First,
the degree to which candidates were active in ethnic organisations. Second,
candidates' attitudes towards aspects of constituency work according
to the type of electorate they stood for in 1993. Third, the actual behaviour
of incumbent Members with respect to constituency work (e.g. time spent
on constituents' problems and attending functions) according to the type
of electorate they represented. Finally, the paper also examines whether
the ethnicity of the electorate influenced candidates' opinions on a range
of ethnic related issues (e.g. immigration, equal opportunities for immigrants).
The findings suggest that, in general, there did not appear to
be differences in attitudes and behaviour which could relate to the type
of electorate (i.e. the extent of its ethnic composition). However, when
party affiliation by type of electorate was examined, there did
appear to be differences. The findings suggest that ALP candidates within
ethnic electorates behaved and thought in ways which would appear to be
more consistent with the ethnic composition of their electorates (e.g.
they spent proportionately more time on dealing with constituents problems
and attending functions than did their Coalition counterparts). This is
not surprising. It is consistent, for instance, with previous work which
has suggested that the ALP has been better at working ethnic electorates
and consequently attracting the ethnic vote (at least up until 1993).
What is perhaps surprising is that ALP Members and candidates in ethnic
electorates continued to work hard in spite of the fact that the bulk
of ethnic electorates are also safe ALP seats.
Studies of the relationship between ethnicity and representation in
Australia have concentrated on whether the composition of representative
bodies such as the Parliament, reflect the composition of the wider population
(e.g. in terms of gender, ethnicity, age).(1) The debate has therefore
focused on the influence of the ethnicity (or gender) of the elected representative.
Two recent studies, however, have argued that the ethnic composition
of the electorate which Members represent, may at times influence
representative attitudes and behaviour more than the ethnic background
of a particular Member.(2) This paper seeks to further examine this proposition
by examining a range of responses of candidates and Members who stood
for the 1993 Federal election. In brief, the assumption is that candidates
and Members from 'ethnic electorates' may have different attitudes and
behaviour than those from non-ethnic electorates on some aspects of representational
activity.(3)
The 1993 Australian Candidate Study (ACS) was the third in a series
of studies on Federal election candidates initiated in 1987.(4) This series
coincides with Australian Federal elections and examines the views on
important political and social issues of all major party candidates standing
for election.(5) In 1993, a total of 415 responses were received from
candidates for the Australian Labor Party (ALP), Liberal, National, and
Democrat Parties, as well as the Greens, The Greens (WA) Inc, The Green
Party of South Australia and the Green Alliance Senate-NSW (a response
rate of 70%). In addition to asking questions on attitudes to particular
social and political issues, the survey asked questions relating to the
role of the representative. Several background variables such as age,
country of birth, parents' country of birth, party affiliation were available.
The questionnaires were sent to 'viable' parliamentary candidates on 12
March 1993.(6)
A 'restricted' version of the data file also exists which contains a
number of further variables derived from sources other than the questionnaire.(7)
This file was used for the analysis presented in this paper. The use of
the restricted file allowed linking the respondents to the electorate
in which they stood as a candidate. This was necessary in order to examine
whether candidates from 'ethnic' electorates behave differently or have
different attitudes on particular issues to candidates from non-ethnic
electorates. A variable was constructed called type of electorate,
consisting of three electorate types and was based on figures derived
from 1991 census data and the 1993 electoral boundaries.(8) The candidates'
responses to various questions in the 1993 ACS were then tabulated according
to the type of electorate in which they stood as candidates or incumbent
Members. The three electorate types were:
- Ethnic electorates: This includes all House of Representative electorates
where at least 15% of the total population in that electorate were born
in non-English speaking countries (NESC). In 1993 there were 49 such
electorates and the mean number of people born in NESCs was 23.98 %.
All of these electorates were in urban areas. Such a definition of an
ethnic electorate is arbitrary. Some may argue that a higher cut off
would more accurately describe an 'ethnic' electorate. The 15% figure
was chosen, however, as it approximates the national figure for people
born in NESCs and has been used by other analysts.(9)
- Non-ethnic urban electorates: This includes all non-rural House
of Representative electorates where fewer than 15% of the population
were born in NESCs. In 1993 there were 51 such electorates and the mean
number of people born in NESCs was 8.9 %.
- Rural electorates: This includes House of Representative electorates
defined as rural by the Australian Electoral Commission (AEC). In 1993
there were 47 such electorates and the mean number of people born in
NESCs was 5.04 %. Thus all rural electorates were classified as 'non-ethnic'
for the purposes of this analysis.
Table 1 shows the frequency distribution of the candidates in the 1993
sample according to type of electorate. The total number of candidates
(total N) in the file used for this analysis was 335.
Table 1: Frequency distribution of candidates by electorate type
Electorate type Frequency Per cent
Ethnic 79 23.6
Non-ethnic urban 111 33.1
Rural 85 25.4
Senate 60 17.9
Total 335 100.0
A second way in which some of the data were tabulated was according
to the country of origin of the candidate, or more precisely, whether
the candidate or the candidate's parents were born in NESCs. This variable
also consists of three types:
- NESBI Candidates: includes those candidates who were born in a NESC;
- NESBII Candidates: includes all those born in Australia who indicated
that at least one parent was born in a NESC;
- Non-NESB Candidates: those who were born in English speaking countries
(ESC) (including Australia) or candidates born in any NESC but whose
parents were born in an ESC (including Australia).
Table 2 shows the frequency distribution of the candidates according
to country of origin.
Table 2: Frequency distribution of candidates by country of origin
Origin Frequency Per cent
NESBI 23 6.9
NESBII 21 6.3
Born in ESC
(including Australia) 288 86.0
Unknown 3 0.9
Total 335 100.0
Table 3 shows the party affiliations of all the candidates who responded
to the survey. It suggests that there was an even distribution between
the two major parties, the ALP and the Liberal Party, with close to 10%
from the National Party and 27% from the Democrats.
Table 3: Frequency distribution of the party affiliation of candidates
Party Frequency Per cent
Liberal 97 29.0
ALP 97 29.0
National 32 9.6
Democrat 90 26.9
Green (all) 19 5.7
Total 335 100.0
For the purposes of the analysis, party affiliations were allotted to
three main groups:
- ALP (97);
- Coalition (Liberals + Nationals) (129);
- Other (Democrats + Greens) (109) .(10)
Given the constituency focus of the study, the population of
the sample used for most of the analysis was for House of Representatives
candidates only. Of the 335 in the sample, 275 (or 82%) of the candidates
were standing for the House of Representatives, and 60 (or 18%) were standing
for the Senate. Furthermore, of the 335 candidates, only 92 (or 27%) were
successfully elected in the 1993 election.
A useful starting point is the degree to which candidates were active
in ethnic organisations. Studies have shown that such organisations play
a key role in a Member of Parliament's (MP) constituency activity.(12)
Table 4 shows the responses for those who indicated that they had been
or were active in an ethnic organisation by type of electorate.
Table 4: Activity of candidates in an ethnic group organisation by
type of electorate
(%)
Degree Ethnic Non- Rural Total
of activity (n=47) ethnic (n=37) (n=145)
(n=61)
Active (a) 31.9 24.6 21.6 26.3
Not active 68.1 75.4 78.4 73.7
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
(a) Combines the responses to those that said they were 'very active'
and 'somewhat active'.
Table 4 suggests that just over one quarter (26%) of all House of Representatives
candidates who stood for the 1993 federal election, and who responded
to this question, had been active in an ethnic group organisation. Candidates
who stood in ethnic electorates were more likely to have been active in
such an organisation (just under one third) compared with just under one
quarter for non-ethnic urban electorates and just over one fifth in rural
seats.
Table 5: Activity of candidates in an ethnic organisation by type
of electorate and party affiliation
(%)
Degree Ethnic electorates Non-ethnic electorates Rural Total
of ALP Lib/N Other ALP Lib/N Other ALP Lib/N Other
activity (n=13) (n=17) (n=17) (n=21) (n=22) (n=18) (n=14) (n=13) (n=10) (n=145)
Active 38.5 41.2 17.7 28.6 22.7 22.3 28.5 - 40.0 26.1
Not active 61.5 58.8 82.3 71.4 77.3 77.7 71.5 100.0 60.0 73.9
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Table 5 also shows the party affiliation of responding candidates within
the different types of electorate. For example, 39% of all responding
ALP candidates and 41% of all responding Coalition candidates who stood
in ethnic electorates indicated they had been or were active in an ethnic
organisation. This compares with only 29% of responding ALP and 23% of
responding Coalition candidates in the non-ethnic urban electorates. Within
the rural electorates, it is the ALP (29%) and 'Other' (40%) candidates
who stand out as being active in an ethnic organisation, with none of
the responding Coalition candidates in such electorates ever being active.
Several features stand out from the above tables. First, is the relatively
high proportion of all candidates who indicated being active in an ethnic
organisation (26%).(13) This confirms the importance that such organisations
have been found to play in the political process, particularly at a constituency
level.(14) Second, the ethnicity of the electorate seems to affect the
degree to which candidates are active in ethnic organisations, with candidates
from ethnic electorates appearing to be more likely to be active than
those from non-ethnic electorates.
It is also reasonable to assume that activity in an ethnic organisation
captures a degree of candidate empathy or identification with ethnic groups.
If this is the case, then candidates (from both political parties) from
ethnic electorates are more likely to identify or empathise with the ethnic
communities in their electorates. This may suggest that having a low number
of NESB MPs relative to the wider population does not necessarily mean
that ethnic issues are ignored. In particular, non-NESB MPs who represent
ethnic electorates must establish and communicate with their ethnic constituencies
to be successful.(15) Third, while Coalition candidates within ethnic
electorates were more active than their counterparts in non-ethnic electorates,
ALP candidates seemed more likely to be active in an ethnic organisation
across all types of electorates.
Was there any difference in the degree of activity in an ethnic organisation
by a candidate's country of origin? These breakdowns are shown in Tables
6 and 7. Given the small number of candidates from NESB in the sample
(and the large number of missing observations), these results should be
viewed with caution. To compensate for this, the responses from Senate
candidates were also included.
Table 6: Activity in an ethnic organisation by candidates' country
of origin (a)
(%)
Degree of NESBI NESBII All NESB Non-NESBs All
activity (n=15) (n=13) (n=28) (n=147) (n=175)
Active 60.0 23.1 42.9 23.1 26.3
Not active 40.0 76.9 57.1 76.9 73.7
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
(a) Includes House of Representatives and Senate candidates.
Table 6 suggests that NESBI candidates were more likely to be active
in an ethnic organisation. The equal proportions for the NESBII and non-NESB
respondents suggests that ethnicity may play less of a role amongst the
second generation. The higher number of NESB candidates active in ethnic
organisations relative to non-NESB candidates also suggests that the former
may be more sensitive to NESB issues/needs than the latter. That is, there
may be some validity to the mirror representation argument that ethnic
constituents are better represented by elected representatives from ethnic
backgrounds. This is also consistent with previous work which suggests
that MPs from ethnic backgrounds have higher degrees of parliamentary
responsiveness to their ethnic sub-constituencies than their non-ethnic
counterparts.(16)
Table 7: Activity in an ethnic organisation by candidates' country
of origin and
party affiliation (a)
(%)
Degree NESBI NESBII Non-NESB
of activity ALP Lib/N Other ALP Lib/N Other ALP Lib/N Other
(n=4) (n=7) (n=4) (n=5) (n=1) (n=7) (n=51) (n=52) (n=44)
Active 75.0 42.9 75.0 40.0 - 14.3 23.5 21.2 25.0
Not active
25.0 57.1 25.0 60.0 100.0 85.7 76.5 78.8 75.0
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
(a) Includes House of Representatives and Senate candidates.
Table 7 suggests that NESB candidates who were members of the ALP were
more likely to be active in an ethnic organisation than their NESB Coalition
counterparts. NESBII ALP candidates were also more likely to be active
in an ethnic organisation compared to their NESBII counterparts. There
was little difference in ethnic organisation activity across political
party affiliation amongst non-NESB candidates. Although the number of
responses was small, the findings are consistent with previous work which
has shown that the ALP, at least since 1972, has made a greater effort
at both recruiting ethnic members(17) and at least until 1996, been more
successful at wooing ethnic voters.(18)
Previous studies have suggested that the ethnic composition of the electorate
can be an important factor in determining how a representative behaves
in the constituency.(19) This manifests itself in several ways. First,
ethnic electorates in Australia also tend to be lower in socio-economic
terms (e.g. income and occupation).(20) Constituents from such electorates
often place more demands on their MPs because they face greater problems
with issues such as unemployment or social security than constituents
from higher socio-economic electorates.(21) This may mean that MPs have
less choice in terms of their 'presentational style'.(22) In brief, they
may have to adopt a constituency focus whether they wish to or not.(23)
Second, studies have shown that in assessing their MPs, ethnic minorities
tend to place greater importance on their MPs' approach to constituency
work than their approach to particular policy issues or how they vote
in Parliament.(24) In the Australian context for instance, a great deal
of representatives' time in ethnic electorates is spent dealing with the
immigration problems of their ethnic constituents.(25) In brief, it is
reasonable to assume that candidates or members from ethnic electorates
may firstly place greater importance on the constituency face of representation(26),
and secondly, may spend more time on constituency related activities.(27)
This section examines this proposition using some of the relevant responses
from the survey.
Candidate beliefs with respect to constituency work
Table 8 shows by type of electorate, how candidates saw the importance
of helping constituents with their problems. It suggests that the overwhelming
majority of all candidates believed that helping constituents with their
problems was a very important aspect of an MP's job. Contrary to the above
proposition, however, relatively fewer candidates from ethnic electorates
felt this way compared to those from non-ethnic electorates.
Table 8: The importance of helping constituents with their problems
by type of electorate
(%)
Degree Ethnic Non-ethnic Rural
of electorates electorates electorates Total
importance (n=74) (n=102) (n=81) (n=257)
Very important 75.7 89.2 82.7 83.3
Fairly important 21.6 10.8 16.0 15.6
Not very important 2.7 - 1.2 1.2
Not at all important - - - -
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
What happens once party affiliation is taken into account? Table 9 suggests
that the greatest within electorate type difference occurs among ethnic
electorates. ALP candidates from such electorates, for instance, were
more likely to feel that helping constituents with their problems was
very important (94%) than either Coalition (79%) or 'Other' (59%)
candidates. Although ALP candidates seemed to have a strong constituency
focus in all types of electorates, the relative strength of this feeling
was most marked in ethnic electorates. One possible explanation is the
fact that the bulk of these electorates were, and are, held by the ALP
and candidates and members may consider constituency work, especially
ethnic related, to be an important source of electoral support. This is
consistent with in-depth studies of the political process in ethnic electorates.(28)
Interestingly, Coalition candidates were most likely to view helping constituents
with problems as being very important (95%) in non-ethnic urban electorates.
Table 9: The importance of helping constituents with their problems
by type of electorate and party affiliation
(%)
Degree Ethnic Non-ethnic Rural electorates
of electorates electorates
importance ALP Lib/N Other ALP Lib/N Other ALP Lib/N Other
(n=18) (n=29) (n=27) (n=30) (n=40) (n=32) (n=26) (n=33) (n=22)
Very important 94.4 79.3 59.3 93.3 95.0 78.1 84.6 78.8 86.4
Fairly important
5.6 20.7 33.3 6.7 5.0 21.9 15.4 18.2 13.6
Not very important 7.4 - - - - 3.0 -
Not at all important - - - - - - - - -
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Another important aspect of constituency work for MPs, especially in
ethnic electorates, is attending local community functions. Research has
shown how attendance at functions serves an important communications role
for MPs, providing a forum to both present themselves to their ethnic
sub-constituency and learn about their constituents' needs and problems.(29)
We would therefore once again expect candidates from ethnic electorates
to place more importance on attending local functions than those from
non-ethnic electorates. This result is not borne out by the responses
in Table 10.
Table 10: The importance of attending local community functions by
type of electorate
(%)
Degree of Ethnic Non-ethnic Rural
importance electorates electorates electorates Total
(n=74) (n=102) (n=80) (n=256)
Very important 48.6 52.0 45.0 48.8
Fairly important 43.2 43.1 48.8 44.9
Not very important 8.1 4.9 6.3 6.3
Not at all - - - -
important
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
When the responses are also viewed according to party affiliation (Table
11), however, a similar pattern to that seen above is evident. Although
candidates from both major parties viewed attending local community functions
as important (i.e. either 'very' or 'fairly'), ALP candidates from ethnic
electorates were more likely to view attending local community functions
as being very important (78% compared to 55% for Coalition candidates).
While ALP candidates in all electorate types were more likely to also
agree with this, the difference with other candidates was not as marked
in non-ethnic and rural electorates. This finding is consistent with case
study evidence which shows that attending local ethnic community functions
in ethnic electorates is an important means for Labor politicians to build
up support and trust amongst particular ethnic sub-constituencies, needed
for internal factional reasons as well as wider electoral support.(30)
Table 11: The importance of attending local community functions by
type of electorate and party affiliation
(%)
Degree Ethnic electorates Non-ethnic Rural electorates
of importance electorates
ALP Lib/N Other ALP Lib/N Other ALP Lib/N Other
(n=18) (n=29) (n=27) (n=30) (n=40) (n=32) (n=25) (n=34) (n=21)
Very
important 77.8 55.2 22.2 60.0 57.5 37.5 52.0 41.2 42.9
Fairly important
22.2 44.8 55.6 36.7 40.0 53.1 48.0 52.9 42.9
Not very
important - - 22.2 3.3 2.5 9.4 - 5.9 14.3
Not at all
important - - - - - - - - -
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Member behaviour with respect to constituency work
The above section dealt only with candidate attitudes towards
constituency work. The survey also asked only those who were current or
past Members of the House of Representatives to estimate the actual
time (i.e. real behaviour) they spent on constituency related work.
This section examines the responses of then current and past MPs to time
spent dealing with constituents' problems and attending local community
functions. The proposition is once again that Members from ethnic electorates
should spend more time on these activities than those from non-ethnic
electorates.
Time spent on constituents' problems
Table 12 suggests that the overwhelming majority (71%) of all the then
current and past MPs spent over 15 hours per month dealing with constituents'
problems. Contrary to the proposition, the responses suggest that MPs
from rural electorates spent the most amount of time dealing with constituents'
problems, followed by MPs from non-ethnic electorates. In contrast, just
over half of MPs from ethnic electorates spent more than 15 hours per
month on constituents' problems.
Table 12: Amount of time spent by MPs dealing with constituents'
problems by type of electorate (a)
(%)
Hours Ethnic Non-ethnic Rural
per electorates electorates electorates All
month (b) (n=19) (n=34) (n=16) (n=69)
0-15 47.4 26.5 12.5 29.0
>15 52.6 73.5 87.5 71.0
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
(a) Refers to then current and past House of Representatives Members
only.
(b) Collapses into two categories responses to: none, up to 5, 5-10,
11-15, 16-20, more than 20.
Introducing party affiliation, however, once again seems to change the
story (Table 13). It suggests that ALP MPs within ethnic electorates spent
more time dealing with constituents' problems than Coalition MPs from
the same type of electorates. Similarly, Coalition MPs from non-ethnic
urban electorates spent more time on constituent problems than their ALP
colleagues.
Table 13: Amount of time spent on constituents' problems by type
of electorate and party affiliation
(%)
Hours Ethnic electorates Non-ethnic Rural electorates
per electorates
month ALP Lib/N Other ALP Lib/N Other ALP Lib/N Other
(a) (n=10) (n=8) (n=1) (n=14) (n=17) (n=3) (n=8) (n=8) (n=0)
0-15 40.0 50.0 100.0 42.9 11.8 33.3 12.5 12.5 -
>15 60.0 50.0 - 57.1 88.2 66.7 87.5 87.5 -
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 -
(a) Collapses into two categories responses to: none, up to 5, 5-10,
11-15, 16-20, more than 20.
Attendance at local community functions
Table 14 suggests that the majority of then current or past Members
(54%) spent more than 15 hours per month attending local community functions.
Similar to the findings for time spent on constituents' problems, proportionately
more Members from rural electorates spent 15 hours or more per month attending
local community functions, followed by those from non-ethnic urban electorates
and then those from ethnic electorates.
Table 14: Amount of time spent by MPs attending local community functions
by type of electorate (a)
(%)
Hours Ethnic Non-ethnic Rural
per electorates electorates electorates All
month (b) (n=19) (n=34) (n=16) (n=89)
0-15 57.9 41.2 18.8 46.0
>15 42.1 58.8 81.3 54.0
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
(a) Refers to then current and past House of Representatives Members
only.
(b) Collapses into two categories responses to: none, up to 5, 5-10,
11-15, 16-20, more than 20.
Turning to time spent by party affiliation (Table 15), a similar pattern
to that seen above emerges once again. A Labor MP from an ethnic electorate
spent more time attending local community functions than did a non-Labor
MP from that same type of electorate. The reverse was the case for the
non-ethnic urban electorates.
Table 15: Amount of time spent by MPs attending local community functions
by type of electorate and party affiliation.
(%)
Hours Ethnic electorates Non-ethnic electorates Rural electorates
per ALP Lib/N Other ALP Lib/N Other ALP Lib/N Other
month (n=10) (n=8) (n=1) (n=14) (n=17) (n=3) (n=8) (n=8) (n=0)
0-15 50.0 62.5 100.0 57.1 17.6 100.0 25.0 12.5 -
>15 50.0 37.5 - 42.9 82.4 - 75.0 87.5 -
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 -
A consistent picture seems to be emerging. In brief, the moral of the
story seems to be that ALP MPs (and candidates) who represented ethnic
electorates, worked their constituencies more than did their Coalition
counterparts from those same electorates. Such a picture is consistent
with the long held view that the ALP has been better at winning (at least
until the 1996 election) the supposed 'ethnic vote' than the Coalition.
Any ethnic electorate effect on candidate and Member attitudes, therefore,
seems to manifest itself through the political party that those candidates
or Members belonged to.
Most studies which have examined the opinions of political elites (such
as candidates) to ethnic related issues have been concerned with the degree
to which it divergs from that of their respective constituents.(31) Yet
does the ethnicity of the electorate influence elite opinion on such issues?
This section reports the responses of candidates to several ethnic related
issues according to the type of electorate they stood for.
Table 16: Candidates who included 'immigration and multiculturalism'
in the four most important problems facing the country by type of electorate
(%)
Ethnic Non-ethnic Rural electorates
electorates electorates
35.7 35.7 28.6
Note
Based on responses to a question which asked all candidates to select
from a list of 14 the four most important problems facing the country.
One item in this list was 'immigration and multiculturalism'.
Table 16 shows the responses of candidates who included 'immigration
and multiculturalism' in the four most important problems facing the country
by type of electorate. This response is difficult to interpret for two
reasons. First, because it combines two separate, albeit related, issues
in the one category. Whether a candidate indicated immigration and multiculturalism,
for instance, does not tell us whether he or she included it because they
saw the present levels of immigration as being too high, or because they
were critical of multiculturalism. Second, candidates may have included
'immigration and multiculturalism' in their list of top four problems
because they saw multiculturalism, for instance, as an important policy
priority rather than a problem. In any case, there does not appear to
be any support for an ethnic electorate effect in this case.
Table 17: Candidates who included 'immigration and multiculturalism'
in the four most important problems, by type of electorate and party affiliation
(%)
Ethnic Non-ethnic Rural
Party electorates electorates electorates All
affiliation (n=20) (n=20) (n=16) (n=56)
ALP 40.0 15.0 25.0 26.8
Lib/Nat 25.0 45.0 56.3 41.1
Other 35.0 40.0 18.8 32.1
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
A more interesting pattern emerges, however, when the party affiliation
of the candidates is also introduced (Table 17). Several observations
can be made. First, only 56 (or 20%) of the 275 House of Representatives
candidates who responded included immigration and multiculturalism in
their list of top four problems facing the country. Second, proportionately
more Coalition candidates (41%) indicated 'immigration and multiculturalism'
as one of the four problems, followed by 'Other' candidates (32%) and
then the ALP (27%). Third, and perhaps most interesting is the within
electorate breakdown. Although table 16 suggested a relatively even distribution
across electorate types, there seems to be a bigger variation according
to party affiliation within electorate types. Within ethnic electorates,
for instance, 40% of candidates who indicated 'immigration and multiculturalism'
were from the ALP compared to 25% for the Coalition. This pattern was
reversed in the non-ethnic urban and rural electorates.
One interpretation of why proportionately more ALP candidates from ethnic
electorates included 'immigration and multiculturalism' in their list,
is that ALP candidates from ethnic electorates were more sensitive to
immigration and multicultural issues (if their inclusion of 'immigration
and multiculturalism' in the top four was indicative of policy priority).
Another interpretation may be that ALP candidates and Members were more
likely to rank immigration as a 'problem' because they have more direct
experience of immigration related issues through their constituency case
work.(32) In contrast, the fact that Coalition candidates in non-ethnic
electorates were more likely to see immigration and multiculturalism as
a problem is consistent with the approach towards these issues that was
contained in the Liberal Party Fightback! policy document.(33)
Given the ambivalent nature of the question, however, any firmer conclusion
is precluded.
Other issue-based responses concerned 'equal opportunities for migrants'
and the number of migrants allowed into Australia at the time of the survey
(1993). Table 18 shows the responses regarding 'equal opportunities for
migrants' by type of electorate.
Table 18: Candidate attitudes to 'equal opportunities for migrants'
by type of electorate
(%)
Equal Ethnic Non-ethnic Rural
opportunities electorates electorates electorates All
for migrants (a) (n=76) (n=109) (n=82) (n=267)
Gone too far 11.8 17.4 11.0 13.9
About right 57.9 46.8 63.4 55.1
Not gone far enough 30.2 35.7 25.6 31.1
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
(a) Collapses into three categories responses to: 'gone much too far'
'gone too far' 'about right' 'not gone far enough' 'not gone nearly far
enough'.
Just over half of all candidates (55%) thought that 'equal opportunities
for migrants' were about right. However, just under a third of all candidates
believed that changes had not gone far enough. Was there much difference
by type of electorate? One surprising result was that 37% of candidates
in non-ethnic electorates thought changes had not gone far enough compared
to 30% of candidates in ethnic electorates.
Table 19: Candidates' attitudes on 'equal opportunities for migrants'
by type of electorate and party affiliation
(%)
Equal Ethnic electorates Non-ethnic Rural electorates
opportunities electorates
for migrants (a) ALP Lib/N Other ALP Lib/N Other ALP Lib/N Other
(n=20) (n=29) (n=27) (n=32) (n=41) (n=36) (n=27) (n=35) (n=20)
Gone too far 5.0 17.2 11.1 9.4 29.3 11.1 - 20 10.0
About right 50.0 65.5 55.6 34.4 58.5 44.4 59.3 77.1 45.0
Not gone
far enough 45.0 17.2 33.3 56.3 12.2 44.5 40.7 2.9 45.0
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
(a) As for Table 18.
What emerges when we also look at party affiliation? The results (Table
19) seem to be as expected with a greater proportion of ALP candidates
(45%) from ethnic electorates indicating that changes had not gone far
enough, compared to only 17% of Coalition candidates. This pattern is
even stronger in the non-ethnic electorates, with over half of ALP candidates
indicating that changes had not gone far enough compared to only 12% of
Coalition candidates in non-ethnic urban electorates, and 41% of ALP candidates
compared to 3% of Coalition candidates in rural electorates. These responses
suggest that party affiliation is more important than electorate type
in determining candidates' attitudes.
Table 20: Candidates' attitudes towards the number of migrants allowed
into Australia by type of electorate
(%)
No. of migrants Ethnic Non-ethnic Rural
allowed into electorates electorates electorates All
Australia (a) (n=68) (n=97) (n=68) (n=233)
Gone too far 48.5 54.6 52.9 52.4
About right 51.5 45.4 47.1 47.6
Not gone far enough - - - -
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
(a) Responses collapsed as for Table 18.
A contentious issue in the politics of immigration in Australia has
been the size and composition of the immigration program.(34) Table 20
shows the candidates' attitude by type of electorate to the number of
migrants being allowed into Australia. Several features stand out. First,
the majority of all candidates (52%) believed that the number of migrants
allowed into Australia had gone too far or much too far. Although candidates
from ethnic electorates were more likely to say that the number of migrants
was about right (the only group where a majority of candidates said this),
the high number of candidates (49%) from ethnic electorates who said that
numbers had gone too far is surprising, although is consistent with the
responses in Table 17.
Table 21: Candidates' attitudes towards the number of migrants allowed
into Australia by type of electorate and party affiliation
(%)
No. of migrants Ethnic electorates Non-ethnic Rural electorates
allowed into electorates
Australia ALP Lib/N Other ALP Lib/N Other ALP Lib/N Other
(n=15) (n=28) (n=25) (n=29) (n=38) (n=30) (n=21) (n=30) (n=17)
Gone too far 6.7 71.4 48 10.3 81.6 63.3 9.5 73.3 70.6
About right 93.3 28.6 52 89.7 18.4 36.7 90.5 26.7 29.4
Not gone
far enough - - - - - - - - -
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
How does party affiliation influence these views? Once again, ALP candidates
from ethnic electorates were much more likely to view the number of migrants
allowed in as about right (93%), compared to their Coalition counterparts
(29%). The overwhelming majority of Coalition and 'Other candidates' in
non-ethnic electorates (especially rural) were of the view that the number
of migrants allowed into Australia had gone too far. The similarity of
ALP candidate responses across electorate types, however, would suggest
that party affiliation, rather than the ethnicity of the electorate, was
the most important determining factor in this case.
This paper examined several responses to the 1993 Australian Candidate
Study to explore the proposition that candidates and Members from electorates
with high ethnic concentrations have different representational attitudes
and behaviour to their counterparts from non-ethnic electorates. Was this
borne out? In general there did not appear to be differences which could
relate to the type of electorate (i.e. the extent of its ethnic composition).(35)
However, when party affiliation by type of electorate was examined, there
did appear to be differences. The lack of an explicit 'ethnic electorate
effect' on representation in this case does not mean that the ethnic composition
of an electorate is unimportant. Such a finding may have more to do with
the nature and appropriateness of the data source and methods used to
examine the issue. Studies which have used more qualitative based approaches,
for instance, have reached different conclusions.(36)
Looking at candidate attitudes and behaviour towards constituency work,
there appeared to be no 'pure' ethnic electorate effect. There did appear
to be some evidence, however, that attitudes and behaviour towards constituency
work varied according to the party affiliation of the candidates within
the three electorate types examined. In short, the findings suggested
that ALP candidates within ethnic electorates behaved and thought in ways
which were more consistent with the ethnic composition of their electorates.
This should not come as a surprise. It is consistent, for instance, with
previous work which has suggested that the ALP has been better at 'working'
ethnic electorates and consequently attracting the ethnic vote.
What is perhaps surprising is that ALP Members and candidates in ethnic
electorates continued to work hard in spite of the fact that the bulk
of ethnic electorates are also safe ALP seats.(37) The received wisdom
is that a representative who comes from a safe seat might engage in less
constituency work than a representative from a marginal seat. This is
referred to as the 'marginality hypothesis', although empirical tests
of this hypothesis have reached mixed results.(38)
A similar story to that of the type of electorate effect on constituency
behaviour emerged with respect to candidate attitudes to ethnic related
issues. While there was some evidence of an 'ethnic electorate effect',
most differences in candidate attitudes which emerged were more likely
to be related to the candidate's party affiliation than the ethnic composition
of the electorate. In general, ALP candidates from ethnic electorates
had positions on ethnic related issues which could be assumed to have
been shared by the majority of their ethnic constituents.
- Jupp, B. York, & A. McRobbie, The Political Participation of
Ethnic Minorities in Australia, AGPS, Canberra, 1989.
- Zappalà, The Parliamentary Responsiveness of Australian
Federal MPs to their Ethnic Constituents, (Information and Research
Service Research Paper No.8), Department of the Parliamentary Library,
Canberra, 1997; G. Zappalà, Four Weddings, a Funeral and a
Family Reunion: Ethnicity and Representation in Australian Federal Politics,
AGPS, Canberra, 1997. This latter work was completed as part of
the 1996 Australian Parliamentary Fellow's research project, and was
based on an ethnographic case study of an MP in a highly 'ethnic' electorate
as well as a content analysis of the parliamentary interventions of
a group of MPs from both ethnic and non-ethnic electorates between 1983
and 1996.
- As well as the effects on representation which may be associated with
the composition of the electorate, studies have also suggested that
the 'marginality' of the electorate is an important influence on representational
behaviour (see references in Note 38). The analysis in this paper, however,
cannot separate out these two influences. Suffice it to note that the
bulk of 'ethnic electorates' in Australia (with a few key exceptions)
are also safe ALP seats. We return to this issue in the final section.
- The fourth ACS was conducted in 1996. Given the changed political
environment since the 1993 survey, any findings presented here should
not be extrapolated to the present situation.
- The survey was designed and conducted by I. McAllister, R. Jones,
D. Denemark and D. Gow. A copy of the data file and questionnaire are
held at the Social Science Data Archives (SSDA), at the Australian National
University. They bear no responsibility for the analysis and interpretation
of the data in this paper. See also I. McAllister, R. Jones, D. Denemark,
and D. Gow, Attitudinal Responses and Data User's Guide for the Australian
Candidate Study, 1993, Social Science Data Archives, ANU, Canberra,
1994.
- Viable candidates were those from all the major parties, identifiable
Green and other environmental candidates, and other candidates whom
it was anticipated would obtain more than 10% of the first preference
vote.
- The restricted version of the file was created by Professor Ian McAllister
and is only released on approval from the principal investigators. I
thank Sophie Holloway from the SSDA for providing the access and use
of this file.
- Kopras, Comparisons of 1991 Census Characteristics: Commonwealth
Electoral Divisions, (Parliamentary Research Service Background
Paper No.20), Department of the Parliamentary Library, Canberra, 1993.
- Jupp, 'The Ethnic Dimension', in C. Bean, S. Bennett, M. Simms, and
J. Warhurst (eds.) The Politics of Retribution-The 1996 Federal Election,
Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 1997; Zappalà, Four Weddings,
op. cit.
- It can be seen from Table 3 that the bulk of the 'Other' category
were candidates from the Democrats.
- Where the total n does not equal 335 means that not all respondents
answered that particular question. Percentages may not always total
to 100 due to rounding.
- Zappalà, Four Weddings, op. cit., Ch.2, 3.
- This represented 30% of those who were successfully elected.
- Unikoski, Communal Endeavours: Migrant Organisations in Melbourne,
ANU Press, Canberra, 1978; Zappalà, Four Weddings,
op. cit., Ch.2, 3.
- Zappalà, Four Weddings, op. cit., Ch.2.
- Zappalà, The Parliamentary Responsiveness, op. cit.
- Allan, 'Ethnic Politics in the ALP', in P.R. Hay, J. Halligan, J.
Warhurst and B. Costar (eds.) Essays on Victorian Politics, Warrnambool
Institute Press, Warrnambool, 1985.
- McAllister, 'Ethnic Issues and Voting in the 1987 Federal Election',
Politics 23(2), 1988, pp. 219-47.
- Jewell, 'Legislator-Constituency Relations and the Representative
Process', Legislative Studies Quarterly, 8(3), 1983, pp.303-37;
Zappalà, Four Weddings, op. cit.
- Kopras, Comparisons of 1991, op. cit.
- Studlar & I. McAllister, 'Constituency Activity and Representational
Roles among Australian Legislators', Journal of Politics, 58(1),
1996, p.77.
- Fenno, Home Style-House Members in their Districts, Little
Brown, Boston, 1978.
- Searing, 'The Role of the Good Constituency Member and the Practice
of Representation in Great Britain', Journal of Politics, 47,
1985, pp. 348-81.
- Cain, J. Ferejohn, & M. Fiorina, The Personal Vote: Constituency
Service and Electoral Independence, Harvard University Press, Cambridge,
Mass., 1987, pp.42-3.
- Zappalà, Four Weddings, op. cit., Ch.3.
- Norton, & D.M. Wood, Back From Westminster: British Members
of Parliament and their Constituencies, University Press of Kentucky,
Lexington, Ky., 1993.
- Zappalà, Four Weddings, op. cit.
- ibid.
- ibid.
- ibid.
- McAllister, 'Immigration, Bipartisanship and Public Opinion' in J.
Jupp & M. Kabala (eds.), The Politics of Australian Immigration,
AGPS, Canberra, 1993; I. McAllister, 'Public Opinion, Multiculturalism,
and Political Behaviour in Australia', in C. Kukathas, Multicultural
Citizens: the Philosophy and Politics of Identity, Centre for Independent
Studies, St. Leonards, NSW, 1993; S. Jackman, 'Race and Immigration
in Australian Political Ideology: Political Elites versus ''the Mainstream''',
Paper presented at the Research School of Social Science, ANU, 7 April,
1997.
- Zappalà, Four Weddings, op. cit., Ch.3.
- See the various contributions in Migration Action, 15(1) February,
1993.
- Jupp & M. Kabala, The Politics of Australian Immigration,
op. cit.
- The data does suggest, however, that there may be a 'rural electorate
effect' operating on representation, which requires further research.
- Zappalà, Four Weddings, op. cit.
- Economou, 'An Overstated Electoral Importance? A Note on ''Ethnic''
Voting and Federal Electoral Outcomes', People and Place, 2(4),
1994, pp. 45-51; Jupp, The Ethnic Dimension, op. cit.
- See for example, P.E. Converse & R. Pierce, Political Representation
in France, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1986; I.
Crewe, 'MPs and their Constituents in Britain: How Strong are the Links?'
in V. Bogdanor (ed.), Representatives of the People?, Gower,
Aldershot, 1985; Studlar & McAllister, op. cit.
Allan, L., 'Ethnic Politics in the ALP', in P.R. Hay, J. Halligan, J.
Warhurst and B. Costar (eds.) Essays on Victorian Politics, Warrnambool
Institute Press, Warrnambool, 1985.
Cain, B., Ferejohn J. & Fiorina, M., The Personal Vote: Constituency
Service and Electoral Independence, Harvard University Press, Cambridge,
Mass., 1987.
Converse, P.E. & Pierce, R. Political Representation in France,
Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1986.
Crewe, I., 'MPs and their Constituents in Britain: How Strong are the
Links?' in V. Bogdanor (ed.), Representatives of the People?, Gower,
Aldershot, 1985.
Economou, N., 'An Overstated Electoral Importance? A Note on ''Ethnic''
Voting and Federal Electoral Outcomes', People and Place, 2(4),
1994, pp. 45-51.
Fenno, R.F., Home Style-House Members in their Districts, Little
Brown, Boston, 1978.
Jackman, S., 'Race and Immigration in Australian Political Ideology:
Political Elites versus''the Mainstream''', Paper presented at the Research
School of Social Science, ANU, 7 April, 1997.
Jewell, M.E., 'Legislator-Constituency Relations and the Representative
Process', Legislative Studies Quarterly, 8(3), 1983, pp.303-37.
Jupp, J., York, B. & McRobbie, A., The Political Participation
of Ethnic Minorities in Australia, AGPS, Canberra, 1989.
Jupp, J & Kabala, M., The Politics of Australian Immigration,
AGPS, Canberra, 1993.
Jupp, J., 'The Ethnic Dimension', in C. Bean, S. Bennett, M. Simms,
and J. Warhurst (eds.) The Politics of Retribution-The 1996 Federal
Election, Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 1997.
Kopras, A., Comparisons of 1991 Census Characteristics: Commonwealth
Electoral Divisions, (Parliamentary Research Service Background Paper
No.20), Department of the Parliamentary Library, Canberra, 1993.
McAllister, I., 'Ethnic Issues and Voting in the 1987 Federal Election',
Politics 23(2), 1988, pp. 219-47.
McAllister, I., 'Immigration, Bipartisanship and Public Opinion' in
J. Jupp & M. Kabala (eds.), The Politics of Australian Immigration,
AGPS, Canberra, 1993.
McAllister, I., 'Public Opinion, Multiculturalism, and Political Behaviour
in Australia', in C. Kukathas, Multicultural Citizens: the Philosophy
and Politics of Identity, Centre for Independent Studies, St. Leonards,
NSW, 1993.
McAllister, I., Jones, R., Denemark, D. and Gow, D., Attitudinal
Responses and Data User's Guide for the Australian Candidate Study, 1993,
Social Science Data Archives, ANU, Canberra, 1994.
Norton, P. & Wood, D.M., Back From Westminster: British Members
of Parliament and their Constituencies, University Press of Kentucky,
Lexington, Ky., 1993.
Searing, D.D., 'The Role of the Good Constituency Member and the Practice
of Representation in Great Britain', Journal of Politics, 47, 1985,
pp. 348-81.
Studlar, D.T. & McAllister, I.,'Constituency Activity and Representational
Roles among Australian Legislators', The Journal of Politics, 58(1),
1996, pp.69-90.
Unikoski, R., Communal Endeavours: Migrant Organisations in Melbourne,
ANU Press, Canberra, 1978.
Zappalà, G., The Parliamentary Responsiveness of Australian
Federal MPs to their Ethnic Constituents, (Information and Research
Service Research Paper No.8), Department of the Parliamentary Library,
Canberra, 1997.
Zappalà, G., Four Weddings, a Funeral and a Family Reunion:
Ethnicity and Representation in Australian Federal Politics, AGPS, Canberra,
1997.
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